FEB. 8, 1831.] Minister to Russia. [H. OF R. become incorporated with the public sentiment of the constitution or laws of the United States, although he may United States--no means (says he) will be left unemployed, be denominated a minister, and accredited as such at a on my part, to promote these salutary feelings, and those foreign court, is not and cannot by us be recognised as improvements of which the commercial intercourse be- such. Does the appointing power rest exclusively with tween the two countries is susceptible. "I sincerely re- the President of the United States? Let the constitution gret to inform you, that our minister lately commissioned to that court, on whose distinguished talents and great experience in public affairs I place great reliance, has been compelled, by extreme indisposition, to exercise a privilege, which, in consideration of the extent to which his constitution had been impaired in the public service, was committed to his discretion, of leaving temporarily his post, for the advantage of a more genial climate." "If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburg, and resume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the most satisfactory assurance, that, in the mean time, the public interests, in that quarter, will be preserved from prejudice, by the intercourse which he will continue, through the secretary of legation, with the Russian cabinet," I have found it necessary to quote the language of the President, because, as already stated, it is all the information communicated officially to us, relative to the mission to Russia, and all upon which I shall rely in justification of the remarks to be made. He of the United States settle this question: "The President of the United States shall nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint, ambassa dors, and other public ministers." The power to nominate is vested exclusively in the President, but no appointment can be made without the advice and consent of the Senate; and it is the province of the Senate to act upon every thing appertaining to the nomination before the appointment is complete. The minister must be commissioned by the President, according to the ratification of his nomination. Suppose Mr. Randolph, nominated by the President, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed minister to the court of St. Petersburg, had been, in conformity to a previous arrange ment between him and the President, commissioned minister plenipotentiary to the court of Stockholm. Is there a man in this House who would say that we ought to make an appropriation for his salary? I presume not. would be illegally commissioned, would not be our minister at Sweden, and could not be the minister of the United States at the court of Russia. What is the present The House will indulge me, Mr. Speaker, while I at- case? Mr. Randolph is nominated by the President ministempt to make an analysis of this information. So im-ter to the court of Russia, with the previous understandportant is it to this country to promote the salutary feel- ing between him and the President that he should have ings which have heretofore subsisted between the Russian the privilege committed to his discretion, of residing in empire and the United States, no means will be left un- England, or any other part of Europe, whenever he employed to accomplish that object. To effect this ob- should think proper to exercise that privilege, and for an ject, so important in the estimation of the President, not unlimited period of time. This agreement, and this disonly the greatest talents, but the greatest experience cretionary exercise of privilege, is unknown to the Senwhich the country can afford, are to be employed. So ate, with whose advice and consent the appointment was necessary was it to employ such talents and experience, made, and without which it could not have been made. that to command them, a privilege was committed to the To me, Mr. Speaker, the whole proceedings appear to discretion of Mr. Randolph, of leaving the court of Rus- have been irregular, illegal, unprecedented, and the sia, whenever, in his opinion, his health required him to whole transaction void from the beginning; that we conexercise this privilege. We have no minister now at the sequently have no minister, and, until one is appointed, it court of Russia, nor have, but for a short period, had one, is unnecessary to make any appropriation for his salary; since this mission was instituted; there is no one now dis-and if he has received an outfit, he has received what, by charging the duties of a minister, because Mr. Randolph, law, he was not entitled to. Suppose this nomination had in the event of the restoration of his health, is to resume his duties, in the event of a contingency, which may never happen, more especially as he is made the judge to decide whether it will, and when it does. The secretary of legation is the only representative we now have, by the President's own showing, at the court of the greatest empire in the world, when the President, last May, thought it expedient to employ the best talents and the greatest experience in the country to represent us there; if this was necessary then, subsequent events in Europe, referred to by many gentlemen in this debate, have rendered it obviously necessary at this time. been sent to the Senate with all the facts disclosed, that the President has since communicated to us in relation to it-this discretionary power to exercise the privilege committed to him of residing in England--is there a political friend or foe in that body that would or could have voted for it? No, sir, not one; and I contend that as to such appointments the Senate is a co-ordinate branch. The next consideration, said Mr. P., is our right to withhold the appropriation required, if we are dissatisfied with the course adopted by the President and his minister. If we cannot express our dissatisfaction in this way, I know of none in which it can be done. If we willingly make I have now, Mr. Speaker, presented fairly and candid the appropriation, with all the information which has been ly to the House my view of the only information, in regard given us, we sanction the whole proceedings; and what to this mission, we can act on, communicated to us by the has been done will continue to be done, by this and all President of the United States. It presents to us, I may our future Presidents, so often as circumstances shall rebe permitted to say, an extraordinary and unusual state of quire them to adopt the precedent which will be establishthings; and, before I take my seat, I shall show there is ed. Sir, we have some knowledge of our relative conno precedent for it in the history of our Government. In cerns with Russia, and can judge whether, at this time, the first place, have we a minister at the court of Russia? we can be as well represented at that court by a secretaIn the second place, have we such a minister, or one un-ry of legation as by a minister plenipotentiary, and on this der such circumstances as to require us to make this ap- subject ought to express our opinions. We have a right propriation? And, further, have we, as the representa- to say that our concerns with Russia are, at this time, tives of the people, and holding the purse-strings of the nation, a right to express our opinions of the President's conduct, in regard to this mission, and the conduct of the minister he has sent to Russia? If we have a minister at the court of Russia, he must have been appointed and commissioned pursuant to the constitution and laws of the United States. Any man sent abroad, contrary to the such as to require a resident minister; and if the President thinks they can be as well attended to by a minister residing in England, we may so far differ as to warrant us in withholding the appropriation. But, Mr. Speaker, so far as Mr. Randolph's salary is connected with this question, and the argument used is founded on the necessity of an appropriation to pay his H. or R.] Minister to Russia. [FEB. 8, 1831. salary, we can derive some light from an examination of merits the gentlemen from Virginia have ascribed to him; the laws of the United States, which do not contemplate as yet, sir, I have heard nothing in his favor from any a yearly salary when a year's service has not been ren- other State, nothing from Pennsylvania, nothing from the dered. gentlemen who represent the city of Philadelphia, who, By the law on this subject, we find that the minister if Mr. John Randolph Clay be this youthful prodigy, must shall be paid at the rate of nine thousand dollars per year have heard of him." I would address a few words to those for his services; the chargé d'affaires shall be paid at gentlemen, the burden of whose song, ever since I be. the rate of four thousand five hundred dollars per year; came acquainted with them, has been economy, retrenchthe secretary of legation shall be paid at the rate of two ment, and reform. Professions are good, but actions are thousand dollars a year. Sir, the words "at the rate of" better; the former are never better received than when are repeated six or eight times in the first section of the followed by the latter. Useless and extravagant exact regulating the pay of ministers abroad, necessarily penditures and disbursements of public moneys, it has excluding the idea of the payment of a yearly salary, been said, drove the late administration from their places: when a year's service has not been rendered. By adopt-for the argument, be it so, as I will not now stop to quesing the amendment as it now stands, we are relieved from tion what has been said. Because gentlemen are now in any responsibility on this subject; we leave the adminis-power, are they disposed to change their minds, and adopt tration free to act, (giving them an appropriation of nine the very course they censured the late administration for thousand dollars,) either in giving Mr. Randolph a con- pursuing, and split upon the rock upon which they split? structive residence at the court of St. Petersburg, the If consistent, they will go with us in withholding this whole time, in fact, in England, or in filling his place by appropriation, or granting it under such restrictions as to the appointment of another minister. Suppose, sir, the leave the President to judge whether Mr. Randolph is President should think Mr. Randolph's residence in Eng- entitled to a year's salary. Further, sir, the power to land is, constructively, a residence in Russia, he will have appoint a chargé d'affaires by a public minister, on his at his command the money to pay him; but, as to the cor- leaving a court, is an incidental power, and belongs to rectness of such a proceeding, others must judge. If, on the minister, under the law and usage of nations; and the other hand, he should be of the opinion that he has the moment Mr. Randolph left the court of St. Peters not been a resident there the whole time since he left burg, Mr. Clay, the secretary of legation, in charge of this country, under his supervision, he can be pro rata our affairs, that moment became chargé d'affaires, and, paid. The discussion which has already taken place will as such, under the law of the United States, became enshow the opinions of some of us on this subject. If Mr. titled to his four thousand five hundred dollars; and Randolph's opinions in another case could be used in this young as he has been represented to be, he is not too question, perhaps he and the President would think that young to neglect his rights, or not to claim what belongs he was, and for some time past has been, a resident of to him. It is no kind of consequence that this claim is England, and not of Russia: for, said Mr. Randolph, in a not now made; when preferred, we cannot resist it. He contested election from Massachusetts, not many years does not relinquish his right to it; and, when the claim is ago-contested on the ground of the residence of the made, he will give you the evidence of the service rengentleman in this District at the time of his election-dered, and show you the law fixing his compensation. If, can a man be here and there?" To apply to his case Mr. Speaker, there was not something very extraordinary his own language, can a man in England be in Russia? in this mission, with its attendant c rcumstances-someSir, another view of this question: we are assured by the thing unprecedented, and which astounded both friends President of the United States the public interests with and foes, why did the gentleman from Virginia, at the Russia will be preserved from prejudice, by the intercourse head of our foreign affairs, [Mr. ARCHER,] before this which Mr. Randolph will continue, through the secretary debate commenced, and before, from any thing that had of legation, with the Russian cabinet. If they can be transpired, he had a right to suppose there would be any preserved from prejudice by Mr. Randolph's residence debate, go to the office of the Secretary of State, and in England, cannot they be as well preserved if Mr. Ran-request of him the privilege of inspecting documents dolph should reside in the District of Columbia? Is not touching this mission? And why was this privilege exthis a subject we can judge of? And if we should pre-tended to the honorable gentleman from Virginia? I am sume to differ with the President, we have undoubtedly not disposed to arraign the conduct of the gentleman a right to express that difference in the only way left us-from Virginia, or the Secretary of State, for this: I will our vote on this appropriation. What do we get from find fault with no one; but, sir, whatever is presented to the President but his opinion? And he does not say that the House for their action, ought to be so presented that we shall be as well represented-Mr. Randolph in Eng-all may have the benefit of the same testimony. Perhaps land, and his secretary in Russia-but that our rights will the honorable gentleman from Virginia is satisfied with be preserved from prejudice; and that they will be, is a the information which has been confidentially imparted to matter of opinion, and nothing more-a matter of opinion him; but how it would affect us, we could best judge at war with other declarations made by the President-when we had it. I have adverted to the disclosure made among others, that, to represent us at this court, the best by the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, to talents and greatest experience were called into requisi-show that he has thought, in reference to this mission, tion, not because they were not necessary, but because there might be some few things "out of joint." Now, they were necessary. Sir, at this period of the world, sir, what are the cases referred to, to show that the case when Europe is in commotion, when the spirit of freedom, of Mr. Randolph is not without a precedent? The cases and the spirit of revolution also, has pervaded every king of Mr. King, Mr. Brown, and Mr. Barlow: when Mr. dom, it is not sufficient that our rights and relations with King was, from sickness, rendered unable to discharge Russia are preserved from prejudice. We want an active, his duties as minister to England, he made that known to efficient, intelligent man at that court, who will, in season his Government, and asked to be recalled, not to go from and out of season, so watch all the events of the day, as to kingdom to kingdom in pursuit of health, and at the same be able, not only to communicate what has taken place, time draw his pay as our minister residing at the court of but who, from his knowledge of mankind and the world, St. James. He was not sent to England clothed with the from what has taken place, will be able to inform us what privilege of leaving the kingdom when he pleased, and will follow. Can this be done by Mr. Randolph in Eng-residing where he pleased, and as long as he thought proland, with the aid of his secretary in Russia? No, sir,per. He never did leave the kingdom, or the island of admitting this secretary has all the qualifications and England, until he embarked for his native country; when he visited the watering places, it was at the time all the cry of persecution, in which his friends joined? No, sir; members of the English court were in the habit of doing he boldly and fearlessly met the charge; he courted inves it, and when, if he had remained at his post, no business tigation, and his vindication was triumphant. No one was could have been transacted touching the concerns of the denounced for making the charge, nor will any one ever two countries. This, sir, is the case of Rufus King, re-be, by men who are conscious of the rectitude of their ferred to, to justify the Government in its conduct towards conduct, and know they are shielded by justice. Mr. Randolph. How close the resemblance--how strik- I would now, Mr. Speaker, take leave of this question, ing the analogy! Sir, if Mr. Randolph had taken up his and retire from this debate, having detained the House residence at Moscow, who could, and who would have much longer than I could have wished, if I did not think complained? He might then have rendered his country myself under some obligation to pay my respects to, and all the service that could be rendered at St. Petersburg; notice a few of the remarks of the gentleman from Virbut he has left the dominion of Russia--he has crossed ginia, [Mr. ALEXANDER,] who immediately preceded me. kingdoms and seas to reach the place he has selected for The hue and cry in the course of this debate has been, his residence as our minister to the court of St. Peters- spare Mr. Randolph, for he is an absent man, and not burg. Mr. King's case can be compared to that of Mr. here to vindicate himself; and, notwithstanding this apVaughan's, the minister resident here, who passes his peal, the moment my colleague's seat is empty, the gensummers, or a part of them, at Long Branch, or Newport, tleman avails himself of that to say of him what I should Rhode Island. Mr. Brown never left the kingdom of not suppose he would volunteer to say if he were present. France at any one time, nor Paris but once, and then, I can assure the gentleman from Virginia, that he is not after he had made application to his Government to be absent for the reason he suggested; it is true, he knew, recalled. Mr. Barlow, it is true, did leave Paris, but when the House adjourned yesterday, the gentleman from how did he leave it? in pursuit of health or pleasure? Virginia would be entitled to the floor to-day; but I assure No, sir, in pursuit of the Emperor of the French nation, the gentleman that no fears or apprehensions in conseand in the discharge of the duties he was by his country quence of that has kept him from the House. If he had deputed to discharge, and to accomplish objects at that been in his seat, I do not think that any thing the gentletime of primary importance to his country. He lost his man has said, or can say, would "discompose the gravity life not in running from his duties, but in endeavoring to of his muscles, or disturb the tranquillity of his mind." perform them. The case of John H. Pleasants has been Nothing but an anxiety on the part of my colleague to referred to within the last six years, perhaps one hundred finish what he had to say in this debate, induced him to times: the sum of money received by him was small, com- come to the House yesterday; he was then too much inpared with that which we are now required to vote to Mr.disposed to leave, with cominon prudence, his room, and Randolph. The service required of Mr. Pleasants, it he is more so to-day. I am the person, if any one, who will be remembered, was performed, and the nature of it ought to regret my colleague's absence on this occasion. was such that it could be as well performed by one man It has been said heretofore, sneeringly, that he had been as another. Not so in regard to the services expected of a professor of rhetoric; I do not know but he is now one. Mr. Randolph: Mr. Pleasants's pay ceased when his ser- With his aid, I might have been able to have understood vices were at an end; Mr. Randolph's services long since the gentleman's figures of speech: single-handled, I have ceased, as the President of the United States has informed abandoned any attempt to do this in despair. Uncle Toby, us; but, nevertheless, a year's salary is required. But Corporal Trim, Tristrain Shandy, long noses, constructive Mr. Pleasants was a distinguished newspaper editor, and journeys, mileage bill, ribaldry, and vipers gnawing files, he was employed, as is said, to satisfy him for his political" have danced through his periods in all the mazes of meservices: Mr. Randolph was the principal man, it has been taphorical confusion." Sir, I have been unable to follow said, who pulled down the last administration, and erected the gentleman in this rhetorication, and the only reason the present on its ruins; then he has been employed, and is, I have not been able to understand him. The gentleis to be paid for these services. I will not run the parallel man has given this House a parody of the reply of Pitt to further. But, Mr. Speaker, suppose the cases of Mr. Walpole, (certainly he did not intend it as original,) in King and Mr. Pleasants were in point: what did gentle- order to describe the unequal struggle between an old men think of them three years ago? and for what purpose man and a young man. I looked at the gentleman for a were they then referred to? To show the extravagance moment, not knowing but in him I might discover some of the then existing administration; and now, these same traits of character similar to those which belonged to the gentlemen, to justify the President and Mr. Randolph, illustrious statesman he seemed willing to personate; I refer to those very acts of the late administration by them discovered but few, but about as many as he will be able condemned as illegal, unaccountable, and unjust! Let to find in the character or life of my colleague, resembling them reconcile these inconsistencies if they can; it appears those which listinguished Sir Robert Walpole. to me that it is only a desperate case which requires such The gentleman from Virginia has not been able, with arguments or such references to support it. Compare a all his researches, to find the speech of Mr. Randolph, a part of Mr. Monroe's claim with Mr. Randolph's requisi- part of which was read by my colleague, and in which the tion that part which grew out of his detention in Europe whole of the present dynasty of Russia are characterized after he was recalled, and before he could embark. Yet, by Mr. Randolph for four generations, in his happiest and but a few gentlemen from Virginia have voted to allow best style. I will refer the gentleman to the second volume this venerable patriot any part of his claim, while all who of Gales and Seaton's Register of Debates, and inform him, have addressed the House seem to think that, because that, if he will call on either of those gentlemen, he will there is an objection to this appropriation, it is because learn that the manuscript came to them in Mr. Randolph's Mr. Randolph is a citizen of Virginia. I do not believe autograph, with all his touches and retouches upon it. that any man who is opposed to this appropriation has for This was not a speech which Mr. Randolph never made; a moment thought of the State to which Randolph be- not one published by his enemies, to hold him up to scorn. longs as a cause of, or inducement to, the opposition. Mr. Mr. Randolph will not deny its authenticity, or thank the Speaker, to show that the course taken would not be no-gentleman for calling it in question. With this speech vei in England, I would refer the chairman of the Com- published to the world, and a copy of it in the hands of mittee on Foreign Affairs to what took place, not many the Emperor Nicholas in less than four months after it years ago, in the British Parliament. Mr. Canning had was pronounced, was Mr. Randolph the man who ought been on a mission to Lisbon; he was charged with receiv- to have been selected for this mission? Grant that it being pay when his services had ceased. Did he set up the longed to some able or distinguished son of Virginia, could H. OF R.] Minister to Russia. [FEB. 8, 1831. no one be found but Mr. Randolph? Sir, within the angle or can come, from the gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. of my eye methinks I see one, more than one, at this mo- BURGES,] or needs any thing I could say in defence. Sir, ment, who would have discharged the duties of minister that fame and character stands on a proud eminence, far abroad, and to this court, with more credit to himself, and above the reach of such a dagger as malice wears; it needs more to the satisfaction of the country, than Mr. Randolph. no shield that I could interpose. But, sir, the grounds on In every point of view it was an unfortunate appointment, which the exhibition of the gentleman was made, deserve both to the country and the individual. The gentleman to be adverted to. from Virginia, who last addressed the House, informs us, In the course of this discussion, he asked more than once, that, when Mr. Randolph asked of the Emperor leave of as did his colleague, [Mr. PEARCE,] what Mr. Randolph absence, it was readily granted. I believe every word of had done. What were the great services referred to by this, for I have no doubt he had rather Mr. Randolph the message? The question has been before and better should reside in England than any part of Russia. But is answered; but I too will give the answer; because it at the such a residence compatible with our views, or the most same time lays bare the reason why (now that Mr. Ranconducive to our interests? Mr. Randolph is the minister dolph is beyond the sea) we have been compelled to bear of the United States, and not the Emperor of Russia's. the vituperation we have heard. Mr. Randolph's services, But, says the gentleman, this is not the time to express sir, among others, are these: from his youth up to this our disapprobation of this appointment; it ought to have time, he has lent the whole force of his mighty mind to been done when Mr. Randolph's name was sent to the the defence, the protection of the rights and liberty of Senate; his nomination was ratified without a division of the citizen, and the principles of the constitution, against that body. Neither the Senate nor the House then knew the encroachments of power and the more dangerous comthe nature of the appointment. Mr. Randolph was nomi- binations of interest; whether their movements were made nated minister plenipotentiary to the court of St. Peters- under cover of protection, or in any other manner. burg, and, as such, his nomination was confirmed; but this, the noblest aim of the greatest mind, he was again who then knew, or before the commencement of this ses- and again successful. In that success, Mr. Speaker, the sion, of his discretionary privilege to remain in England? gentleman from Rhode Island, and others of his faith, met and who, before this bill was called up, could express any their defeat. Thus, by the exertion of his splendid talents opinion in regard to the appointment? Sir, this appropri- in the same course of action, Mr. Randolph at the same time ation is not opposed because Mr. Randolph is a Virginian; won the highest esteem, the warmest love and gratitude you know that, not many days ago, I did justice to Vir- of those whom he so long and so ably represented here, ginia, and said what I believed to be true of her illustrious placed himself on the ground of eminence and esteem which and distinguished men. It is my attachment to these men he now occupies in the minds and hearts of all good men that would induce me, if any thing could, to speak unfavor- and true, who are liberty's friends, and earned the everably of Mr. Randolph; for, what one of your Presidents has lasting hate of the gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. B.] he not denounced, with the exception of Washington? I and others his associates in principle and policy, and therewould refer gentlemen to his letter to James Lloyd, writ- fore we hear such now. In ten during the late war, for a confirmation of what I assert. I would now, sir, proceed to remark upon some parts I could refer them to another fact, not yet alluded to, but of the gentleman's speech; but, in the rules by which freewell known to you. Mr. Jefferson's son-in-law, Mr. dom of debate is secured, and decorum required, there are Eppes, during the administration of Mr. Madison, went some things which I do not so precisely comprehend. into the gentleman's own district, and by his constituents The gentleman from New York [Mr. CAMBRELENG] alwas returned a member of Congress, for the express pur-luded the other day (hypothetically) to a perjured Senapose of depriving Mr. Randolph of a seat here. Yet his tor--he was declared out of order. But, if on this floor a fame is written every where, and the world is filled with member reads a speech made in the Senate, and proclaims his glory! This is news indeed. I would refer you, Mr. that such speech could be made by no gentleman, he is in Speaker, to his toast, sent two years ago to the dinner order. [Here the SPEAKER interposed, and said “that if given in honor of Mr. Jefferson's birthday. "The prin- the Senator who made the speech was still a member of ciples of Mr. Jefferson before he was in office, and the that body, the matter stated would not be in order."] principles which brought him into office." Are these the Mr. BoULDIN said that the distinction, though nice, exists, sentiments of one who approved of, and supported the and proceeded. administration of Thomas Jefferson? I think not. Sir, pass this appropriation, and unless Mr. Randolph has become divested of that purity of conduct, and incorruptibility, for which some of his friends have said he has been rendered more conspicuous than any other man, our labor will be in vain--not a cent of it can he touch. Mr. P. concluded by moving an amendment, (which Mr. STANBERY accepted in lieu of his motion to strike out,) viz. to add to the appropriation the following pro viso: Yet, sir, were I, or any member of this House, to say that between the supposed critic and the habits, feelings, and manners of a gentleman, there existed a non-conduc tor, through which he could in no wise pass-it would not be in order. [The SPEAKER again interposed, and said, "the gentleman from Virginia has been in no manner alluded to during this debate; that, between the gentleman from Rhode Island and the gentleman from New York, [Mr. C.] some irregularity had crept in unobserved, and was afterwards of necessity allowed, in some measure, to "Provided, That the time which any minister shall ab- be extended; but it shall go no further. The last remarks sent himself from the country to which he is appointed, of the gentleman from Virginia, if applied to a member of after having been received by the Government thereof, this House, would not be in order, and he will not be alshall be deducted in computing his salary, or yearly com-lowed to proceed in that manner."] Mr. B. continued:pensation." I did not make the assertion contained in the hypothetical case stated; nor intend otherwise to make it, than to contrast the effects of the rule on cases too much alike for me to see readily the difference. I did intend to remark on a few other particulars in the gentleman's speech; but, sir, as I confessed at first, that, for the decision of the matter in debate, argument is worse than useless, and any defence of Mr. Randolph being a work of supererogation, and as I could not remark freely and truly upon the particulars I have in mind, within the rules of the House, I Mr. BOULDIN, of Virginia, said, as no man, in or out of the House, had any the least doubt about the issue of this debate, further argument upon it would be both idle and ridiculous. But I have feelings, sir, said Mr. B., which, in my situation here, it were almost criminal wholly to suppress. I should be sorry, however, if any one should deem me capable of entertaining a thought, for one moment, that the well-earned fame of our minister to Russia could in aught be affected by any thing that has come, will proceed no further, but conclude by remarking only, that it would not gratify my feelings to show simply that between the pictures drawn and the original there is no likeness to be seen, even by the painter himself, when I should be precluded from animadversion on the painter by the rules of the House. Mr. BLAIR, of South Carolina, then expressed his regret that this debate had proceeded thus far, and demanded the previous question--Seconded-yeas 85, nays 77. Mr. STANBERY demanded the yeas and nays on the previous question, and they were ordered. Mr. C. P. WHITE moved a call of the House, which was not sustained. The question was then put, "Shall the main question be now put?" and decided in the negative-yeas 73, nays 100. [H. or R. way that ministers should do, why, they must be selected hereafter, not for their diplomatic, but for their physical abilities. The order of things must be changed; and, instead of selecting ministers for their intellectual and moral worth, athletic powers must be the standard by which we are to judge of men suited for foreign missions. Sir, when the party to which that gentleman belongs comes into power, (which I trust never will be,) it may probably suit their notions of propriety to practise upon this theory; but I hope, sir, for the credit of my country, that powers of mind, instead of body, will be looked to in the selection of men to fill high and important stations. In dismissing the gentleman from Vermont, [Mr. MALLARY,] I will only add, that, while his friends may praise his courage, few will be found to compliment his discretion. The next gentleman to whom notice is due, is the learned of his remarks the other day, he invoked us younger members to recollect that respect due to "bald heads and grey hairs." I trust, sir, in what I may deem it my duty to say upon this occasion, or any other, I shall never be found wanting in that reverence always due to locks upon which with-age and experience have set their venerable signets. But, sir, if aged men see fit to enter the list, "and run a muck" Mr. STORRS, of New York, inquired of Mr. ARCHER against all the younger ones in the House, while chivalry as to the authority on which he had made certain state- might forbid the return of the arrows, self-defence may ments, at the commencement of this debate, as to the con-demand that we ward them off, whether pointed fair, or dition and character of our negotiations with Russia, and tipped with poison. the effect of Mr. Randolph's absence. This vote having the effect to remove the question of member from Rhode Island, [Mr. BURGES.] In the course the engrossment of the bill from before the House for today, Mr. DWIGHT moved to reconsider this vote, in order that the bill might be disposed of to-day. The House agreed to reconsider the vote. Mr. BLAIR then, with the consent of the House, drew his demand for the previous question. Mr. STORRS said very likely it might be so, but he was without that necessary knowledge. The gentleman set out by saying "that the present is, Mr. ARCHER declined making any disclosure on the I believe, no unusual discussion. In the short term of my subject of his authority. He stated that it would be im-service in this hall, I have witnessed sitting after sitting of proper to do so, as this negotiation is in its inception. a Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, He expressed his conviction that he should have the con- where the quantum of salary, compared with the service currence of the gentleman from New York, if that gen- of foreign ministers, was the subject of most stirring detleman was in possession of the same knowledge. bate. When has the competency of this House to move such a debate been questioned? Never, until the present sitting of the committee. If I am mistaken, I ask the Mr. CARSON then rose, and said, the part which I shall chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations to tell act in this political drama, (or farce, if gentlemen choose me when that question was made by the friends of the last so to call it,) will be but an humble one. My part shall administration." Now, sir, I will answer the gentleman's be, sir, to defend, with my feeble abilities, a very humble interrogatories, and tell him when, and by whom, "the individual in his own estimation, but one highly exalted in the hearts of his countrymen; an individual, sir, whose highest ambition is, to be permitted to walk in the peace- Sir, during the discussion upon the far-famed but aborful shades of retirement, and pursue domestic ease; an in- tive Panama mission, a similar question arose upon the bill dividual who has never sought office, but who, like old making the appropriations for that mission, or upon the Cincinnatus, when the exigencies of his country have de- report made by the Committee on Commerce, &c. Mr. manded his services, has never refused the call, whe- Webster, the great leader of the then administration party ther it be to the field or to the cabinet. That individual, in the House, made the question, and the gentleman from sir, is Andrew Jackson, whose name has been introduced Rhode Island implicitly followed his lead. I beg leave to into this debate, but to be reviled and slandered. The read from Mr. W.'s speech, delivered 14th April, 1826. other illustrious personages, whose names have been intro- (Gales and Seaton's Debates, pages 22, 55, &c. vol. 2d, duced, (Mr. Randolph and Mr. Van Buren,) have already part 2d.) competency of this House" was questioned, and also show him it was "by the friends of the last administration." been amply defended by their respective friends; they "Such appointments, says Mr. Webster, (foreign minneed nothing at my hands; it would be superfluous to ofisters,) is therefore a clear and unquestionable exercise of fer it. To observe something like method in the course Executive power. It is, indeed, less connected with the of my remarks, I must commence at the beginning, how-appropriate duties of the House than almost any other Exever much may be left out on the way. ecutive act; because the office of a public minister is not It appears, sir, that the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. created by any statute or law of our own Government: it STANBERY] was the pioneer sent ahead to clear away exists under the law of nations, and is recognised as existthe rubbish, and prepare the field for action. The first ing by our constitution. The acts of Congress, indeed, valorous knight which entered the list on their side, was limit the salaries of public ministers, but they do no more. the renowned champion of domestic manufactures, [Mr. Every thing else in regard to the appointment of public MALLARY.] His onset, sir, was a bold one, and he lashed ministers, their numbers, the time of their appointment, away with such fury, that it reminded me of Hudibras's and the negotiations contemplated in such appointments, bear, who is matter for Executive discretion."" Again, he says, "he (the President) cannot shift the responsibility from himself, and we cannot assume it. Such a course, sir, The gentleman, sir, marched up into the very teeth of would confound all that is distinct in the constitutional asthe great Autocrat of all the Russias, boldly demanding signment of our respective functions. It would break his country's rights with threatening countenance and down all known divisions of power, and put an end to all menacing gesticulation, and then told us, "that was the just responsibility." In short, sir, without tiring your paway our ministers should do." Now, sir, if this is the very tience with reading all the passages I have marked, Mr. VOL. VII.-41 "Fighting fell, and falling fought, |