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boys suffer largely by being unfitted for their work; the dull girls, by offering less resistance to their own emotional impulses and less opposition to the corrupt persuasions of others. The difference, however, is only one of degree. Instances of either type are to be found among both



The various factors which I have broadly termed emotional1 are by far the most numerous of all (Table VIII). Viewed, too, in the light of

1 A note is needed to indicate very briefly how the elusive task of temperamental assessment was approached.

The strength of the specific instincts and emotions was estimated according to the standard-deviation scale described in my report on the Distribution of Educational Abilities (p. 50). To secure as high a degree of comparability as was possible with different assessors, the several grades were defined in two ways; first, abstractly, in terms of the percentages to be expected for each grade out of a random group of a hundred; secondly, and more concretely, in terms of typical individuals picked out as borderline specimens, upon lines now familiar from the American Army rating-scales.

The highest grade in the five-fold scale-the "A" or "+2 S.D." group was originally defined as including all who diverged above a line drawn at +1.5 S.D., approximately 7 per cent. of the total distribution. But, in dealing with delinquents, it was found useful to split this (and other) grades into two, by the use of plus and minus signs: thus all who diverged above +2.0 S.D. (that is, in a normal distribution, the highest 2.3 per cent.) were marked “A+,” the remainder of this grade (those between +1·5 and +2.0 S.D.) being marked "A." The cases enumerated in Table VIII (B. 1b.) as suffering an excessive development of a specific instinct or emotion, consist of those marked "A+" for that particular quality -of those, that is to say, who deviate above the average of their group by more than twice the standard deviation.

The diagnosis of instability or temperamental deficiency was founded partly upon the average of the gradings for the separate emotions, and partly upon a distinct assessment. A "temperamental defective" was defined as one who, without being also intellectually defective, exhibited from birth or from an early age, the same degree of control over his instincts and emotions generally, as would be exhibited by an average child of half his chronological age or less, or (in the case of an adult) by an average child under eight; this roughly coincides with those marked, for general emotionality, "A+" (above +2·0 S.D.), after those defective in general intelligence (a large proportion) have been eliminated. An "unstable" was defined as one who, in the middle of his school career, would appear retarded in the development of emotional control by about two years, or, more generally, retarded at every age by over 15 per cent. of his chronological age; this group broadly corresponds with those marked "A - " (above + 1·5 S.D.) for general emotionality. Special precautions, however, were needful to avoid missing the repressed or sensitive types of instability, whose feelings are often so masked that to a first superficial glance they appear unemotional and even phlegmatic. It would seem that, in general proportions, these two groups-the unstable and the temperamentally deficient roughly correspond, upon the emotional side, to the two groups designated, on the intellectual side, respectively as dull and as defective.

Psychologically, temperamental deficiency is simply an extreme degree of inborn emotional instability; socially, it comprehends all those who, upon temperamental grounds, need supervision or custodial care for their own protection or for that of others; clinically, just as the intellectually defective comprise a small proportion of definitely pathological

the average association-coefficients (Table IV), delinquency depends much more closely upon emotional conditions than upon intellectual conditions, although it is the intellectual status of the delinquent that has hitherto monopolised the main interest of criminal psychology. The correlation is greatest in the case of specific instincts and emotions. For these the calculated coefficient is among the highest in the table. For the more general emotional conditions, and for the presence of defective or undesirable interests, it is also significantly large. For the influence of repressed complexes no statistical assessment can be offered, since no analysis of such mechanisms was attempted with the non-delinquents. It will be noted, however, that there are, among the delinquents, three times as many "repressed" personalities (often neurotic or psychoneurotic) as among the law-abiding children.

The total figures for major factors of the several kinds (Table II) reveal at once the high predominance both of general emotionality, on the one hand, and of specific instincts and emotions, on the other. Specific instinctive tendencies-chiefly those of sex, anger, wandering, acquisitiveness, and suggestibility1—and general emotionality-chiefly in the form of instability, either adolescent or inborn-together constitute nearly one quarter of the major factors among the boys and nearly one-third among the girls. If to these we add all instances where the major factor was a repressed emotional complex, we have accounted for the principal causes among nearly one-half of the entire delinquent group.

The totals for all factors, principal and subordinate (Table II), exhibit emotional conditions as more prevalent among the delinquent girls than among the delinquent boys. This difference, however, springs mainly from the greater frequency of general instability and of repressed complexes among the girls. On the other hand, the delinquent boys seem characterised rather by defective or undesirable interests, and by the over-development of specific instincts. In these respects sex-differences

types, so also a prolonged study will at length disclose that many of the temperamentally defective are undoubtedly "psychopathic," a term by which I understand congenital cases of borderline or incipient insanity, the line between amentia and dementia, being, in my view, far less rigid, at any rate upon the temperamental side, than is commonly assumed. The "neurotic" (those suffering from one or other of the recognised neuroses) fall, with this classification, under "repressed unstables." A few constitutionally excitable children, popularly dubbed "hysterical," have been grouped under the uninhibited or "unrepressed" type.

1 Suggestibility itself is perhaps not strictly classifiable as an instinct, but in children at any rate it seems chiefly to arise from a well-recognised instinct, namely, that of submissiveness. The transference of emotion from a complex, however, usually operates as well.

of a somewhat similar nature are to be discerned among the normals. As to particular instincts and emotions, the delinquent girls are marked by an inborn liability to outbreaks of sex and bad temper; the delinquent boys by an excessive liveliness of the migratory, the acquisitive, and the self-assertive instincts. In both sexes a disproportionate percentage of the delinquents seem singularly insusceptible to the inhibitory feelings— pain1, sorrow, fear2, and affection.


Repressed complexes are perhaps not so much themselves the causes of crime, as part of the mental machinery through which the ulterior causes operate. I have classed them as principal factors whenever the delinquency was at length cleared up by a protracted analysis, or whenever the child showed a visible amendment after removal from a source of current conflict. Many of the "complexes" are indeed complex; and that in the highest degree. Their varying elements and distinguishable aspects are exceedingly numerous; and each is recorded separately under a separate heading in the table. Thus, though the cases analysed are few, the total entries are considerable. In spite of this, the figures shown for the frequency of such mechanisms still yield, in all probability, a gross under-estimate. Analytic treatment could only be undertaken when there seemed a reasonable likelihood that it might issue in a practical benefit, or at least cast a gleam of theoretical light upon the genesis of the moral trouble; and even then, from the exigencies of my work, it was impossible to push home the analysis in every case with ideal completeness. With the delinquent boys, in particular, this mode of approach proved difficult and slow; and here, most of all, the percentages may be too slender.

Complexes similar to those discovered among delinquents and neurotics could, with sufficient exploration, be discovered among normals. Indeed, in spite of all the thorough work by the various psycho-analytic schools, it still remains something of a mystery why complexes, apparently identical, should produce abnormal symptoms in one person and

1 The seeming insusceptibility to pain often amounts, in these self-offered little martyrs, to a definite and perverse pleasure in pain (masochism). Pain, like every sensory stimulus, is in a mild degree pleasurable to all. But, with some, the borderline between pleasant and unpleasant pain is abnormally high; and even an intense smarting is welcomed as delightfully pungent. The bearing of this upon corporal punishment is too obvious to be indicated.

Many of the younger delinquents, however, are not fearless, but timid (see Table); and so by nature secretive.

none in another. With delinquents various factors seem to further this unfavourable development; defective family relationships obviously give the usual parental complexes a very unusual form; an over-strict or an over-indulgent discipline-particularly when the two alternate within the same household-alike make the conflicts more acute; general instability, and the excessive strength of certain instincts-sex, anger, selfassertion and pleasurable disgust-intensify the lack of emotional balance; other instincts-timidity and unpleasant disgust—make for increased repression. Delinquents, too, manifest a disproportionate number, or at least a disproportionate strength, of certain more primitive complexes particularly the auto-erotic, the self-regarding, and the more primitive phases of the parental; they often seem to have undergone an arrest or a fixation at these more infantile levels. Finally, innumerable events in the outer and inner life of the delinquent child-removal from home, quarrelling at home, immorality at home, and their secret effects upon his mind, pernicious companions or painful experiences outside the home-all serve to give a special trend to his unconscious emotional development1.

1 From the standpoint of treatment it may be noted that, with children, and especially with delinquents, psycho-analytic mechanisms differ in their mode of action from those met with in the case of neurotic adults. In the first place repression seems seldom so complete. It is true that most of my delinquents who suffered from complexes belonged to the repressed or sensitive type; but similar mechanisms were from time to time discernible among those who were of a nature eminently unrepressed. Partly as a consequence, the analysis of young cases is, as a rule, accomplished with greater speed and fewer hindrances than a similar analysis in a neurotic adult. Nevertheless, with delinquents the method brings with it special difficulties of its own; their word is not always to be relied upon; their confidence is at first often difficult to gain; and their desire for treatment and their eagerness to be cured is neither vigorous nor voluntary. With all but the oldest and the brightest, too, the analyst must pursue a somewhat different line from that usually taken with adults; there may, for example, be less talking, less confession, less discussion of dreams and fantasies, more attention to the child's conduct during recreation, and more observation of his natural responses to test-situations, both casual and arranged. My inferences as to the working of complexes of various kinds are thus often derived, not from an actual unravelling of them by a full and systematic exploration, but rather from recognised complex-symptoms noted incidentally in the course of general interviews and everyday behaviour. Fortunately, with children of school age, the most delicate motives of allactive sexual complexes, in the narrowest sense of the adjective 'sexual'-seem relatively unimportant; and, unless a child of these tenderer years, by private avowal or by overt acts, spontaneously admits the presence of such conflicts, the cautious analyst will be exceedingly chary of trying to probe for their presence. Sexual problems, sexual conflicts and sexual temptations undoubtedly arise during this so-called 'latent' period; but, sometimes because they are less repressed, sometimes because the repression is for the time being more successful, they cause less worry and lead to less misconduct before the onset of the pubertal epoch. Hence, during the school period, without urgent reasons for entering upon these sensitive issues, the psychologist will, as a rule, be wiser if he prefers discretion


1. Nearly 200 cases of juvenile delinquency, and, as a control-series, 400 normal cases, have been individually investigated in parallel enquiries; and the various adverse conditions, discoverable in their family history, in their social environment, and in their physical, intellectual, and temperamental status, have been ascertained and tabulated for each


2. The tables show a lengthy list of contributory causes. Delinquency in the young seems assignable, generally to a wide variety, and usually to a plurality, of converging factors; so that the juvenile criminal is far from constituting a homogeneous psychological class.

3. To attribute crime in general to either a predominantly hereditary or a predominantly environmental origin appears impossible; in one individual the former type of factor may be paramount; in another, the latter; while, with a large assortment of cases, both seem, on an average and in the long run, to be of almost equal weight.

4. Heredity appears to operate, not directly through the transmission of a criminal disposition as such, but rather indirectly, through such congenital conditions as dulness, deficiency, temperamental instability, or the excessive development of some single primitive instinct.

J. of Psych. (Med. Sect.) III

5. Of environmental factors those centring in the moral character of the delinquent's home, and, most of all, in his personal relations with his parents, are of the greatest influence.

6. Psychological factors, whether due to heredity or to environment, are supreme both in number and strength over all the rest. Emotional conditions are more significant than intellectual; while psycho-analytic complexes provide everywhere a ready mechanism for the direction of overpowering instincts and of repressed emotionality into open acts of crime.

if he foregoes the uncertain benefits of ruthless exploration rather than risk the surer perils which may arise when these troublesome interests are stirred up. After puberty the case is changed; but the utmost circumspection must still be exercised.


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