such a demand should be a decided bar against any treaty or arrangement with Spain, by which that power should be led to aid the United States in the war. Mr Morris was among that number.

'We stand in need of assistance, and you must procure it. I am very sensible that Spain, under her present circumstances, cannot advance money at Madrid. She wants there the power, and everywhere the will. The difference between us appears to me absurd, in every point of view, at least on our part. Two persons contend together about the property and possessions of a third. This, under any civil or municipal law, would be absurd; surely, it is as absurd under the law of nations, unless there is a clause in that law, which declares that red men are not entitled to the same rights as white men. We ask a territory and a navigation. The territory we cannot occupy, the navigation we cannot enjoy. We cannot occupy the territory at present, or in future; at present, because we have not men; in future, because we cannot govern it. The most we can expect is, that an emigration from the whole world, whereof one hundredth or perhaps not so much shall be our descendants, will claim title under us to a part of the soil, and then set up independence. It is impossible to monopolize theorems and corollaries. The principles, which caused and which justify the present revolution, will cause and justify as many more, as time and circumstances may furnish occasion for. The question then resolves itself into this; shall we be bounded by a wilderness, or a rival nation? Reason says the former, and bids us pursue the path which leads to it. The blind avarice of dominion may propel us into another road, but it leads to ruin.

As to the navigation of the Mississippi, everybody knows that the rapidity of the current will forever prevent ships from sailing up, however easily they may float down. Now, unless some new dragon shall be found, whose teeth, sown on the banks of the Ohio, will produce seamen, I know not where else they will be obtained to navigate ships abroad, which can

never return home. But if this navigation were as easy, and advantageous, as it is useless and impracticable, its effect would be only the sooner to dissever the ultramontane country, the sooner to dissolve all commercial connexion between us, and the sooner to produce every unhappy consequence of it. The foregoing arguments are brought to operate in a very oblique line, for the conclusion is admitted, and then comes the question, is not Spain sensible of this, and being sensible of it, why will she refuse us a right, which it is demonstrated we can never exercise? Is not this to take advantage of our distress, and to treat on principles of inequality? I may be mistaken, but I find something very futile in this question. I do not see the right, on which the whole matter turns. I discover it neither by my own reasoning, nor by those of any good writers, nor in the history of human affairs.

'We must lament, that some circumstances in our finance and policy have given colorable ground to inculpate us. What then must be the effect of our requisition on that jealous power, who has more to hope and to fear from us, than all the world besides? The faithful guarantee of our union would insure to Spain her American dominions, and our ambition or avarice would tear them away from her, and ruin us by the possession. We We are poor, and Spain can serve us now; we can serve her always; our mutual interests are therefore united; they are indeed the same. Embarked in the same cause we are brethren, and the precept, "take heed that ye fall not out by the way," should be read, understood, and felt by both. The present difference is madness. Great caution on her part, and great pride on ours, which I conscientionsly believe to be mistaken pride, these impede us both in the prosecution of a common object. Let me add, on the whole, that a near neighborhood is never a good neighborhood.'

In regard to what is here said of Spain, it is demonstrable, that she did not intend to treat on any terms, and Mr Jay was amused and deceived, during the two years and a half that he remained in that kingdom, by the duplicity of an artful Minis

try, till he was called away to assist in making the peace of Paris. The records of his acts, in conducting the fruitless negotiation in Madrid, are among the fairest testimonies of his firmness, address, and talents, and are equally dishonorable to the sincerity, and disgracefu! to the dignity of Spain. There were perhaps good reasons, why that cabinet should be tardy in recognising the independence of the United States, considering the circumstances of the Spanish possessions on this continent, but there was no reason, there could be none, why they should practise deceit, excite delusive hopes, and make promises with which they never intended to comply. A slender but insidious encouragement was held out, at the first stage of the revolutionary contest, enough to raise expectations and elicit confidence, which was succeeded by heartless professions and idle pretences, till the end of the war. The United States are in no degree indebted for their existence as a nation, either to the good will or good wishes of Spain, to say nothing of more substantial benefits, that would have done them infinite service in their time of need.

CHAPTER XIV.

ORGANIZATION OF EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS IN CONGRESS.-ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.-ROBERT MORRIS, AT THE HEAD OF THE FINANCE DEPARTMENT.-GOUVERNEUR MORRIS ASSISTANT FINANCIER.-BANK OF NORTH AMERICA.-NEW INSTRUCTIONS FOR NEGOTIATING PEACE.-MR. MORRIS'S OPINIONS RESPECTING THEM. FIRST SECRETARY OF WAR.

M. RENDON.

THE manner of transacting the various forms of government in Congress by committees, adopted at first from necessity, and continued because it was difficult afterwards to effect a change, became at length so complicated and perplexing, as to demand serious attention and a speedy remedy. Congress

exercised at the same time legislative and executive powers; they passed resolves in their capacity of representatives, and executed them by committees chosen from their own numbers. This mode introduced a multiplicity of affairs, and a pressure of business, suited neither to regularity nor despatch. The committees were in a measure irresponsible bodies; much was left undone, and more was done imperfectly. This remark applies with particular force to the foreign affairs and finance, each of which required great ability, as well as the undivided care of an individual officer, for its proper management.

These evils were early perceived by Congress, and they grew more and more apparent daily. Much time was expended in discussing the subject of a new arrangement, but the workings of party spirit, the interested views of some members, the doubts, and fears, and divided opinions of others, caused delays injurious to the public welfare. It was finally resolved to institute a department of Foreign Affairs, and three civil executive departments, that is, of Finance, War, and Marine, with a Secretary at the head of each.

While the subject was under discussion in Congress, the qualifications necessary in the persons, who should fill these offices, naturally became a topic of general interest and inquiry. At this time Mr Morris wrote the following sketch.

To determine who should be appointed Minister either of the Finances, of War, of the Marine, or of Foreign Affairs, may be difficult; but it may not be so difficult to determine the qualities requisite for each of these departments, and having thereby established a rule, the proper persons will be more easily ascertained. These qualities will be classed under the different heads of genius, temper, knowledge, education, principles, manners, and circumstances.

'Our Minister of the Finances should have a strong understanding, be persevering, industricus, and severe in exacting from all a rigid compliance with their duty. He should possess a knowledge of mankind, and of the culture and commerce, produce and resources, temper and manners of the dif

ferent States; habituated to business on the most extensive scale, particularly that which is usually denominated money matters; and, therefore, not only a regular bred merchant, but one who has been long and deeply engaged in that profession. At the same time, he should be practically acquainted with our political affairs, and the management of public business; warmly and thoroughly attached to America, not bigoted to any particular State; and his attachment founded not on whim, caprice, resentment, or a weak compliance with the current of opinion, but on a manly and rational conviction of the benefits of independence, his manners plain and simple, sincere and honest, his morals pure, his integrity unblemished; and he should enjoy general credit and reputation, both at home and abroad.

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Our Minister of War should have a mind penetrating, clear, methodical, comprehensive, joined with a firm and indefatigable spirit. He should be thoroughly acquainted with the soldiery, know the resources of the country, be most intimately informed of the geography of America, and the means of marching and subsisting armies in every part of it. He should be taken from the army, and have acted at some time or other as a quartermaster general, if not as a commander in a separate department. He should be attached to the civil head of the empire, and not envious of the glory of others, but ambitious of honest fame; his manners those of a generous soldier, and not of an intriguing politician; disagreeable to no considerable body or denomination of men, and by all means agreeable to the commander in chief.

'A Minister of the Marine should be a man of plain good sense, and a good economist, firm but not harsh; well acquainted with sea affairs, such as the construction, fitting, and victualing of ships, the conduct and manœuvre on a cruise and in action, the nautical face of the earth, and maritime phenoHe should also know the temper, manners, and disposition of sailors; for all which purposes it is proper, that he should have been bred to that business, and have followed it,

mena.