midst of a community of white men, with whom he has no common interest, no fellow feeling, no equality. If the slave is sick, he has a master or mistress whose own interest will prompt them to furnish him with food and medicine and attendance suited to his situation; but when the free man of colour is laid upon a bed of sickness, who cares for him, what hand supplies his wants, who will step to his humble bed of straw and feel his pulse, or inquire into the symptoms of his disease, or even hand him a cup of cold water to allay his thirst? The slave is almost wholly exempt from care, when his day's work is done he lies down and sleeps soundly; if the crops are destroyed by mildew or blasting, his peace of mind is not disturbed thereby, and when old age overtakes him, and his limbs require rest and his hands can work no longer, in his master's house the law has provided him with a home and secured him a maintenance. He knows not at any time what it is to hear his children ask for bread when he has none to give them, they too are provided for. But who supplies the wants of the free man of colour, when old age overtakes him and he is unable to provide for himself? he has to contend with all the ills of poverty, aggravated by a sense of his own degraded situation, compared with those around him. The cold hand of charity will indeed sometimes throw him the crust that has fallen from the rich man's table, but even these donations he will not at all times receive, when they are greatly needed.

The Convention do not impugn the motives of the memorialists, or in any manner question the benevolence of their hearts or the rectitude of their intentions; but they do believe that the memorialists have not sufficiently considered what would be the practical result of complying with the prayer of their petitions. They are persuaded the memorialists have not calculated how the adoption of the plan proposed by them would affect the hopes, the prospects, the dearest interests, of the very persons for whom they feel so much compassion; how it would affect the happiness, the prosperity, the future destinies of this State, the delegated sovereignty of which is now in the hands of the Convention; or in what manner it would operate on the interest and happiness of the great family of nations, of which the State of Tennessee is but a single member, and to all of whom she is under a solemn obligation to consult their welfare in common with her own. Suppose the prayer of the memorialists to be granted to the full extent of their wishes. Suppose a provision inserted in the Constitution, that the children of all slaves born after a certain future day, should be free at a certain age; say females at the age of twenty-one, and males at the age of twenty-five; what would be the inevitable consequence? Not what the memorialists suppose, but a totally different state of things. Slaves might indeed be banished from this State, but they would not be made free; they would not indeed be slaves in the State of Tennessee, but they would be slaves in Alabama, Mississippi, Lousiana, Missouri or Arkansas: and would that better their condition? Who supposes that it would? Who does not know that it would not?

The Convention could not overlook the certainty that a speedy re moval of the slaves from this State, would be the inevitable consequence of any interference on their part with the subject of slavery. They know full well that to banish slavery from the State, is one thing, but to make the slaves free, is altogether a different matter. They believe that before any provision that might be inserted in the Constitution, could operate by the emancipation of a single slave, the greater part of these unfortunate beings would be carried beyond the limits of the State, and be placed forever out of the reach of the operation of the Constitution, or of any law that might be enacted under its provisions. And could this be prevented? Could the Convention, or the Legislature, or the courts of justices issue any mandate to prevent the owners of slaves from removing them beyond the limits of this State, and selling or settling them in other States, to the south and west of us? Surely this could not be done. No one will say it could! Nor need the fact be concealed; that after the meeting of the Convenvention, and before any order had been taken on the memorials on the subject of emancipation, laying on their table news reached the members from various quarters, that owners of slaves were in readiness to remove them to other States, if the Convention took a single step in the matter to the prejudice of what they considered their vested rights. The Convention believed that a benevolent regard for the slave population of this State prohibited them from granting the prayer of the memorialists.

The interference of the Convention in this matter, would have thrown a firebrand into the community, and kindled strife that would not be extinguished for years to come; and in doing so, they would have pulled down ruin on the head of the slave, instead of having ameliorated his condition. The Convention are persuaded, that while slavery exists in the United States, it is expedient, both for the benefit of the slave and the free man, that the slaves should be distributed over as large a territory as possible; as thereby the slave receives better treatment, and the free man is rendered more secure. They know full well, that though slavery has been recently banished from some of the States in the Union, yet while these States were legislating on the subject, many of the unhappy slaves themselves were transported by land and by water to the southern States, where they were placed in a more hopeless state of bondage, and where many of those very slaves still remain. They were satisfied that any interference on their part, on this delicate subject, would not in any manner benefit the slave; while at the same time it would have a direct tendency to bring about a state of things, that might make the stoutest heart tremble. Let the slaves in the United States, by the operation of any cause whatever, be congregated together within the bounds of three or four States; so that they can ascertain their own numbers and strength, concert plans among themselves, and co-operate with each other; then what is prevent a servile war? one of the greatest calamities with which a nation can possibly be afflicted. It cannot be de

nied, that in Tennessee, slaves are treated with as much humanity as in any part of the world, where slavery exists. Here they are well clothed and fed, and the labor they have to perform is not grievous nor burdensome. They are not prohibited from attending public worship on Sundays, and frequently they are taught to read at Sunday schools; and they have access to religious instruction and the means of grace, in common with the rest of the community. To this, there may be some exceptions, but it is believed they are few and far between. How would a removal of the slave population, from this State to the States south and west of us, operate on their condition? Would they not thereby be rendered much more uncomfortable? Would they not be more exposed to sickness and death by reason of the unhealthiness of the climate to which they would be removed? The ravages of the cholera among the slave population in Louisiana speak a volume on this subject. Would they enjoy the comforts of life in the same abundance they now do? Would not their future prospects of deliverance from bondage be rendered more distant and hopeless? Are they not in general attached to the homes they now have? And do they wish to change them? Who does not know that the slave population of this State are even now waiting with trembling anxiety the result of the deliberations of the Convention on this subject; fearing as they do, that a removal from this State is to be the consequence? If the prayer of the slave population of this State could be heard on this subject, it would be that the prayer of the memorialists might not be granted.

It is not intended to draw a comparison between the situation of the slave population in Tennessee and the situation of the laboring peasantry in European countries; but it is confidently believed, if that comparison were made, the situation of the slave in Tennessee would be found vastly preferable.

But suppose a provision to be inserted in the Constitution, that the children of all slaves in the State of Tennessee, to be born after a certain day should be free; and suppose (which cannot be done consistently with truth) that the slaves would not be removed, but would be permitted to remain where they now are, what then would be the consequence? Would not a scene most appalling be exhibited in process of time? The slave population in Tennessee in 1830, amounted to 142,530, and it cannot be doubted that it now amounts to 150,000— what will probably be the number of slaves in this State, when the time arrives that any provision that the Convention would make for their emancipation would go into operation. That they would amount to 200,000, is a moderate calculation. What then would be the condition of the community, with such a multitude of human beings turned loose in society, with all the habits, morals, and manners of the slave, with only the name and nominal privileges, but without any of the real blessings of liberty, or the real privileges of the freeman? Would not two distinct classes of people, in the same community array themselves against each other, in perpetual hostility and mutual distrust?

Would not the constant collision that would take place between them, produce a feverish excitement, alike destructive to the happiness of both parties? Would not the condition of the free people of colour, under the operation of the causes already enumerated, be more wrethed than the condition of the slaves. Would not the white portion of the community be more insecure with such a multitude among them, who had no common interest with, no bond of union to that part of the community, with whom they were mixed, and yet from whom they were forever separated by a mark of distinction that time itself could not wear away? The people of colour, numerous as they would be, with no kindred feeling to unite them to that part of the community, whom they would both envy and hate, would nevertheless, have at their command a portion of physical strength that might and probably would be weilded to the worst of purposes. They would look across the southern boundary of the State, and there they would see in a state of servitude, a people of their own colour and kindred, to whom they were bound by the strong bonds of consanguinity, and with whom they could make a common cause, and would they not be strongly tempted to concert plans with them, to exterminate the white man and take possession of the country. They would then possess the means of consulting together, of co-operating with each other, and let it not be forgotten, that they would be animated by every feeling of the human heart that impels to action.

Does it require the gift of prophecy to foretell that such a state or things could not exist, without endangering the peace, the prosperity, nay the very existence of society; without jeopardizing the dearest interests of our beloved State. Are the bloody scenes of St. Domingo forgotten; will not similar causes always produce similar effects; would not the same horrible tragedy be acted over again in our own country, at our firesides, and in our bed chambers? Surely the Convention were in duty bound not to meddle with a matter, their interference in which, could have accomplished no possible good, and might have produced evils beyond the power of calculation. But some of the memorialists pray, that when made free, the people of colour may be sent from among us and colonized. Have they counted the cost of such an enterprize? Would a million of dollars be sufficient to send the free people of colour to Africa? Where else could they be sent? Where could the money be procured?-Could it be raised by taxation; and would the people pay it? But suppose the money could be procured, would the people of colour consent to go to Africa? And being then free, they could not be compelled to go without their own consent. These are grave questions, and the committee think that probably the memorialists did not attentively consider them before they signed their names to the memorials now on the table of the Convention.

But the friends of humanity need not despair; the memorialists need not dread that slavery will be perpetual in our highly favoured country. Providence has already opened a door of hope, which is every day

opening wider and wider. On the coast of Africa, the foundation of a mighty empire is already laid, and thither the sons and daughters of Africa, made free by the consent of their masters, and transported by funds furnished by the benevolent, shall repair, and carrying with them the blessings of civilization, and the truths and consolations of christianity, they will in process of time banish idolatry, ignorance and superstition from that wretched land, which has so long been a habitation of horrid cruelty. This plan has one advantage over every other that has been proposed, that it requires the consent of the slave to be colonized as a condition precedent to his emancipation. It possesses another advantage, it will more effectually combine the energies of the wise, and the good, and the benevolent, in its execution, than any other plan that has been devised. The ministers of our holy religion will knock at the door of the hearts of the owners of slaves, telling every one of them to let his bondman and his bondwoman go free, and to send them back to the land of their forefathers, and the voice of these holy men will be heard and obeyed, and even those who lend a deaf year to the admonitions in the hour of health, will, on a bed of sickness and at the approach of death, make provision for the emancipation of their slaves, and for their transportation to their home on the coast of Africa.

In this way, under the approving smile of Heaven and the fostering care of Providence, slavery will yet be extinguished, in a way that will work no evil to the white man, while it produces the happiest effects on the whole African race. The last thirty years has produced a great change in public sentiment on this subject, and it cannot be doubted that the next thirty years will produce a still greater one. And if misguided fanatics, in those parts of the United States where slavery does not now exist, will only refrain from intermeddling in a matter, in which they have no concern and in which their interference can do no possible good and may do much positive evil, slavery, with all its ills, will be extinguished as certainly and as speedily as the friends of humanity have any reason to expect. For let it be remembered, that there is an appropriate time for every work beneath the sun; and a premature attempt to do any work, particularly any great work, seldom fails to prevent success. A premature attempt on the part of a sick man to leave his bed and his chamber, would inevitably prolong his disease, or perhaps place it beyond the power of medicine. A similar attempt on the part of the poor man to place himself in a state of independence, by engaging in some plausible but imprudent speculation, would probably involve him in embarrassments, from which he could not extrieate himself throughout the whole remaining portion of his life. So a premature attempt on the part of the benevolent to get rid of the evils of slavery, would certainly have the effect of postponing to a far distant day, the accomplishment of an event devoutly and ardently desired by the wise and the good in every part of our beloved country. JOHN A. M'KINNEY, Chairman.