On that day also the Rev. Cortland Myers touched on politics in the Baptist Temple at Brooklyn. Among other things he said:

This pulpit is absolutely non-partisan, but it is positively patriotic and Christian. It does not stand for party, but as long as it stands for Christ it must stand for principle. The chief issues of this campaign directly affect the Gospel of Christ of Calvary. I must be heard and will be heard against all dishonesty and anarchy and kindred evil. I love the blood-stained banner of the cross, and it is ever in danger. I love every stripe and every star of Old Glory, and it is at this moment in danger. I must speak every Sunday from now until November. I shall denounce the Chicago platform. That platform was made in hell. Dishonesty never came from heaven; anarchy never came from heaven; class making and disunion never came from that upper world. Its silence concerning the greatest evil on the American continent was not inspired from above.

That Sunday seemed to be a good Sunday for denouncing bimetallists. Rev. Thomas Dixon, Jr., at the Academy of Music, New York, said:

I am not going to talk partisan politics this morning. I am going to stick close to the Bible. Thou shalt not steal. After thirteen years of study of sociology, I must confess that I do not know very much about it, but I do know honesty from dishonesty. I may not understand the technique of finance, but I do understand results. Any hen may lay an egg, and while I may not know the technique by which that egg is laid, I seriously maintain that I am a better judge of eggs than all the hens in the country. And I know honesty from dishonesty as well as any financier. The proposition that the nation shall, independently of every consideration of honesty, take 53 cents' worth of silver and coin it into a dollar, and force every one by its authority, backed up by its armies, to accept it as such-that is the proposition which is put before us. For whose benefit, in God's name? For that of the millionaire silver mine owner. The ratio of 16 to 1 is not only a false, dishonest one, but demagogues have used the phrase to make the ignorant believe all sorts of things. Why, down in Virginia, where I live, there are some who believe that the election of Bryan means that every man is to get a present from the Government of sixteen dollars. One man at the next station called at the Adams Express office to inquire whether his sixteen dollars would be delivered, or if he would have to call for it. A man has been arrested in New Jersey and now lies in jail, awaiting the action of the grand jury, for the crime of passing trade dollars, containing the stamp of the Government-dollars with more silver in them than there is in Mr. Bryan's dollar. Technically his crime is uttering a counterfeit, because the Government has not guaranteed to pay a dollar for those dollars. Now they want to coin a dollar, and make you take it whether you have sense or not, which is no dollar at all, only fifty-three cents. In other words, the Government is to go into the counterfeiting business. I am not talking politics but going back to Moses. It is a gigantic jest to say that the value of silver will rise by the passage of the free silver law. It did not rise when the mine owners forced a servile government to buy first two millions of their product a month,

and afterward four and a half millions. Even if silver did rise, the purchasing power would go down. In either case the value of labor would be reduced onehalf. Mr. Bryan is impaled on one or the other of these two horns of a dilemma. If free silver becomes the law, $600,000,000 worth of gold will disappear from circulation. That is contraction. A panic will follow. Mr. Bryan admits it. He says we need heroic action. The only way to save the nation from a panic, according to him, is to give it another one. "Thou shalt not steal." We have borrowed money, and we have given the pledge of seventy million people that we shall repay it. If I borrowed from the devil in hell, it would be the part of honesty to pay him back in as good coin as that he loaned me. If those who loan to us in our distress are as black as they are painted, if they are thieves and Shylocks, we are still under obligations to pay back to them as good money as we got.

The New York World, of October 5, in speaking of the sermon delivered by Mr. Dixon the day before, said:

When he called Bryan "a mouthing, slobbering demagogue, whose patriotism was all in his jaw-bone," the audience howled.

September 27th, Dr. Talmage, in a sermon delivered at his church in Washington, said:

This country has been for the most part passing through crises, and after each crisis it is better off than before, and now we are at another crisis. We are told on the one hand that if gold is kept as a standard and silver is not elevated, confidence will be restored, and this nation will rise triumphantly from all the financial misfortunes that have been afflicting us. On the other hand, we are told that if the free coinage of silver is allowed all the wheels of business will revolve, the poor man will have a better chance, and all our industries will begin to hum and roar.

During the last six Presidential elections I have been urged to enter the political arena, but I never have and never will turn the pulpit in which I preach into a political stump. Every minister must do as he feels called to do, and I will not criticise him for doing what he considers his duty; but all the political harangues from pulpits from now until the third of November will not in all the United States change one vote.

But good morals, honesty, loyalty, Christian patriotism and the ten commandments-these we must preach. If ever this country needed the divine rescue, it needs it now. Never within my memory have so many people literally starved to death as in the past few months. Have you noticed in the newspapers how many men and women here and there have been found dead, the post mortem examination stating that the cause of death was hunger? There is not a day when we do not hear the crash of some great commercial establishment, and as a consequence many people are thrown out of employment. Among what we considered comfortable homes have come privation and close calculation, and an economy that kills. Millions of people who say nothing about it are at this moment at their wits' end.

There are millions of people who do not want charity, but want work. The cry has gone up to the ears of the Lord of Sabbaoth and the prayer will be

heard and relief will come. If we have nothing better to depend upon than American politics, relief will never come. Whoever is to be elected to the Presidency, the wheels of Government turn so slowly, and a caucus in yonder white building on the hill may tie the hands of any President.

As I said before, our cause was supported by ministers and laymen of all denominations, Catholic and Protestant, but I quote some of the hostile criticisms in order to show the feeling of bitterness which. existed in some quarters.

While it was not unpleasant to be so severely censured from the pulpit, I recall the fact that on every question ministers have differed from each other; their arguments must stand upon their own merits and their political opinions must be measured by the same rules by which we measure the political opinions of others.

CHAPTER XXXVI.

T

FROM PHILADELPHIA TO BROOKLYN.

UESDAY was devoted to a forenoon meeting at Chester, Pa., an afternoon meeting at Washington Park, N. J., and an evening meeting at Philadelphia. A drizzling rain interfered somewhat with the first meeting.

The New Jersey meeting was largely attended by truck farmers. Senator Tillman and Hon. John T. Wright, candidate for Congress, accompanied me on this occasion. The evening meeting at the Academy of Music was one of the memorable meetings of the campaign. The hall was filled at an early hour, and the streets adjacent were so crowded that it was difficult to reach the hall. In order to leave the hotel unnoticed we made our exit through the cellar, then went down a back alley and entered the hall at a rear door, but not without a great deal of difficulty. Chairman Garman, of the State committee, presided. Below will be found a portion of the speech:

Philadelphia Speech.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen, Fellow Citizens: The gold standard papers ask why I come to Pennsylvania. I have nothing to conceal; I will tell you why I come. I come, first, to secure, if possible, the electoral vote of the State of Pennsylvania. If you withhold that vote and we are defeated in this campaign, then I come upon another mission, and that is to tell the people of Pennsylvania that the agitation for free silver will never cease in this country until the gold standard is driven back to England.

You call it the "silver craze," and say that it is dying out. You may apply such epithets as you like, but the silver cause will not die, because truth never dies. You ask me why I know that this cause is right. I could give you many reasons, but one reason is sufficient-that every enemy of good government is against free silver. You can know a cause, as you know an individual, by the company it keeps, and our cause appeals to the masses of the people because the masses are interested in equal laws. Our cause is opposed by those who want to use the Government for profit, for gain; because we are opposed to the use of government for such purposes.

Your city is called Philadelphia, the City of Brotherly Love. I come to proclaim to you the gospel that is described by the name of your city, and yet it is said that you will give 100,000 majority against such a doctrine. I want to preach financial independence in the city which saw the Declaration of

Independence signed. Do you say that this city, in which the forefathers gathered when they were willing to defy all foreign powers and declare their political independence, is afraid to favor financial independence? I shall not say that of the descendants of the forefathers of 100 years ago unless you say so in the ballot which you cast next November.

The issue raised now was raised then. There were people then who said that the colonies could not get along unless some foreign nation was looking after them. The people who 100 years ago declared in favor of foreign supremacy were people who had business dealings with foreign houses, and who, in this country, acted as the agents of the people who employed them over there. It is true today. You have your banks in this city today controlled by influences in London, and, my friends, I have no more respect for the American who takes his patriotism from Lombard street today than they had 100 years ago for the tory who took his patriotism from the same place.

One of the papers said that I "lacked dignity." I have been looking into the matter, and have decided that I would rather have it said that I lacked dignity than to have it said that I lack backbone to meet the enemies of the Government who work against its welfare in Wall street. What other Presidential candidates did they ever charge with lack of dignity? (A voice: "Lincoln.") Yes, my friends, they said it of Lincoln. (A voice: "Jackson.") Yes, they said it of Jackson. (A voice: "And Jefferson.") Yes, and of Jefferson; he was lacking in dignity, too. Now, I will tell you how dignified a man ought to be, because, you know, everybody has his idea of these things. I think a man ought to be just dignified enough-not too dignified-and not lacking in dignity. Now, it might be more dignified for me to stay at home and have people come to see me; but you know I said I was not going to promise to give anybody an office, and, therefore, a great many people who might go to see a candidate under some circumstances would not come to see me at all. And then, too, our people do not have money to spare. Why, our people are the people who want more money, and if they could come all the way to Nebraska to see me, it might show that they have money enough now.

I do not like to be lacking in any of the essentials, but I cannot see that there is any lack of dignity shown if I come before the people and talk to them and tell them what I stand for and what I am opposed to.

They say I am begging for votes. Not at all. I never asked a man to vote for me. In fact, I have told some people to vote against me; that is more than some candidates do. I have said that if there was anybody who believed the maintenance of the gold standard absolutely essential, he ought not to vote for me at all.

If I can prevent the maintenance of the gold standard, you can rely upon my doing it upon the very first opportunity that the people will give me. My position on public questions is known, and I do not use the words "sound money" when I mean gold, either; and I do not use the words "honest money" when I talk about the most dishonest money that this country ever saw, a gold dollar that gets bigger all the time.

My platform sets forth certain propositions, and it states that the money question is the paramount issue; and then two other parties, to neither of which I ever belonged, declared in national convention that the money question is