recommendation to Mr. Linwood to relinquish the property, and with that the Editorship, and with this advice that gentleman has had the prudence to comply.

EDUCATION.-This subject has been introduced to the Lower House of Parliament, by Mr. Fox, in a speech which had the dubious merit of eliciting a eulogium from the Prime Minister. In the course of that speech, Mr. Fox contrived to say much that was plausible to the ears of unenlightened men, and much that was incorrect in principle, with something that was grossly false as to the Congregational Body. But it is of no great moment, since nothing practicable can possibly come out of his motion, which will give satisfaction to neither Churchmen nor Dissenters. The Congregational Board of Education has, we rejoice to say, made arrangements for the purchase of Homerton College premises, for their Normal Schools, which may be considered an event of great importance to the cause of true Education. An article will be found in the Chronicle of the present number, giving an account of the proceedings of the Board, which will be read with interest. So far, this Institution has gone on well, and rendered excellent service to the religion and the liberty of the kingdom.

SCOTLAND.

RELIGION.-In Scotland, the subject of religion has been seriously occupying the attention of more than one class of Christians, among whom the Free Church is laudably prominent. It is distinctly affirmed, that there is a general and an alarming want of divine power attendant upon the means of Christians.

EDUCATION.-The subject of Education has been greatly exercising the minds of the Scottish Community, especially of the leading men of the Free Church. Dr. Begg has published a pamphlet entitled, 66 National Education for Scotland, practically considered, with notices of certain recent proposals on that subject." The Pamphlet is one of great ability, and containing much excellence; but there is no probability of its being carried out. A frightful picture is eloquently drawn of the condition of the Country -a Country which has been so long the boast of Europe. Let us hear him.

But what do we at present see? A people that might match the world for energy, and who have heretofore stood in the first rank of nations, sinking under a combination of increasing evils-the efforts of ministers paralysed - our universities locked up, dwarfed, and comparatively inefficient -crime increasing - drunkenness and Sabbathbreaking making progress-Christianity languishing-pauperism threatening to swallow up the whole property of the country-hundreds of our best people flying from our shores under the pressure of want, or at the command of tyrannythe great natural resources of our whole country locked up in the iron embrace of feudal despotism -little intelligence amongst the people to understand this, far less to battle with it- the very passes of our mountains interdicted-the fishings of our rivers monopolized -our public grounds and gardens shut up-the Parliament of England despising us, our natural guardians joining in the oppression. We turn to ancient times of which we have heard, and our fathers have told us-we turn to other lands-we turn to the New England states of America for example. We see the existence of an universal education-a people walking in liberty, and beaming with intelligence-life and property secure-the Sabbath greatly respected

the comforts of life universally diffused, and burdens of every kind trifling. Are we, whose fathers formerly led the van in the education of the world, now to drivel in the rear of an advancing intelligence?

Dr. Hetherington, also, comes forward with a very elaborate pamphlet, in which he views National Education in "its present condition, its principles, and its possibilities." A single paragraph may give some notion of this gentleman's views. Speaking of the theocratic principle, he says,

The theocratic principle was the basis of the Hebrew system The theocratic principle is the basis of Christianity as a system, and has been most completely realised in Presbyterian Christianity. The Voluntary principle is anti theocratic as applied to states, nations, and official life. The attempt to apply this principle to National Education, and to the office of the teacher, we regard as an attempt to render National Education antitheocratic, and to place all national teachers in an avowedly anti-theocratic position. We cannot conceive anything more thoroughly unscriptural and un-Presbyterian than such an attempt. It is like systematically teaching youth to commit the first sin-to seek knowledge apart from, or without recognition of, the law of God.

ANNUITY TAX-The subject of the Annuity Tax has been exercising the minds of the Citizens of Edinburgh. This matter, always odious, was never more so than during the last and the present year. It would seem that the Clergy and their myrmidons have been sharpening their wits how to avoid the perils of a public auction of the goods of honest men, which among the high-minded people of Edinburgh, as was shown last year, is no trifling matter. Some Ahithophel, it seems, has hit upon the happy expedient of going to the Bank, and restraining upon the cash accounts of refractory Dissenters. The sum demanded of Mr. Russell, the gentleman in question, is £43, within a few pence. The principal sum is £28, the interest charged periodically upon his arrears, amounts to £7 16s. 4d. The other law expenses run the matter up to the heavy sum aforesaid, giving, as will be observed, a literal fulfilment to the words of Hudibras, when he says of certain parties, they

"Could turn the Covenant, and translate
The Gospel into pence and plate;
Expound upon all Merchants' cashes,
And open the intricatest places,
Could catechise a money-box,
And prove all pouches orthodox."

This is, perhaps, the most disgraceful case of the sort that has ever occurred; at least we have not read of anything to compare with it. It is upon a par with the worst deeds of our own Church of England. It fills us Southerns with astonishment, that such things could take place in Scotland-a land of boasted light, pervaded by love of liberty and detestation of Ecclesiastical bondage. How men, who not only profess to fear God, but to teach religion, can submit to the robbery of their neighbours and fellowcitizens for their support, is, to us wholly incomprehensible. Much is said of stutus in the case of the Established Clergy, and especially of those of the Modern Athens; but to our taste, the status of the man who honestly earns his bread in the sweat of his brow, whether in catching fish, breaking stones, selling old iron, or picking a livelihood from the dust heap, is dignity itself compared with that of these

reverend Robbers! How men, scholars, gentlemen, men of piety, can in any way be parties to it, baffles our understandings; and how, after such outrages from time to time, and especially such as that which has just been perpetrated, and published through the press, they can ascend their pulpits, to preach justice, brotherlykindness, and charity, is among the mysteries which have never yet been explored. Where is self-respect? What has become of the sense of propriety? Has shame no place in the Clerical bosom? The thing shows the blinding and deadening power of State enactments on the minds of even good men. Were those partici

pants of plunder to come out of the Church, and instead of being the participators, were they, with their friends, to become the sufferers, how their light would increase! With what unity, harmony, and indignation they would move against it! The wonder is that they have not called upon the government to devise means to get rid of the periodical outrage. The midnight descent from the hills of the brave and famous Caterine, of the olden time, to spoil the lowland farmer of a few of his sheep, oxen, and of a horse or two, was modest rapine compared with this Ecclesiastical mid-day burglary for the professed maintenance of men to preach justice, liberty, equality and fraternity! It is vain to talk of the law. Why do not the Clergy move heaven and earth to alter the law? But instead of this, now and in former years they have rather stood in the way of alteration, and been but too prone to boast of their infamous prerogative! The disgrace of such a course has been deep and all but indelible. We risk nothing in saying that the Apostle Paul would sooner have fed on roots, or died behind a hedge, than have been supported by means so stamped with infamy! Compared with such a system, the cause of our own Robin Hood was that of a gentleman, for with all his ravages, he dealt, and delighted in the generous and the magnanimous; whereas this Modern Athenian spoliation has not one redeeming quality. Mr. Hume has consented to ask for a return in the House of Commons, of matters connected with the circumstances of the Edinburgh depredation, which will illumine the whole question.

THE FREE CHURCH-The Free Church has found it necessary to re-adjust the distribution of the Sustentation Fund, and to make the receipts of each Congregation to depend upon their own contribution. They have, doubtless, done wisely. This is one of those matters in which human nature is never to be trusted. The tendency is always to abuse bounty. Home, Irish, Colonial, Foreign Missions-all supply illustrations. Independence is, by many, not so much desired as the contrary; both the Churches and the agents find their account in the privilege of leaning on a Society rather than standing erect, and depending on themselves. They have used the crutch so long, that they are alarmed by the thought of throwing it away.

IRELAND.

IRELAND is still a source of deep solicitude to all denominations of godly people, who wish to promote the welfare of that unhappy country. Several measures have been before Parliament, which seem to promise good, since, whatever tends to allay popular commotion, and to extinguish local strife, will be so much clear gain to

the cause of true Protestantism, as it will pave the way to a more hopeful order of things. There will, henceforth, be an end to those Orange processions, which only tended to embitter the spirit of the Catholics, while they could not, by possibility, advance the cause of true religion. This is so far well, as it will make for peace and good neighbourhood. Then the Lord Lieutenancy, too, is to be abolished, which will be the means of withdrawing the materials of that fire of envy, jealousy, and rebellion, which has so long blazed in poor Ireland, to the distraction of peace and charity, and the advancement of right principles, both religious and political. The saving of £20,000 per annum is, no doubt, in itself something; but we view this as a most insignificant circumstance compared with the social benefits which may be expected to flow from it. It will be the withdrawment of the chief symbol of Protestant Ascendancy. One thing only is wanted to give effect to such measures-an annual visit of Her Majesty to Ireland, and the residence of a month or six weeks at the Castle. This would do great things among a people so warm, so generous, so easily exasperated, and yet so readily appeased. Such a visit, in the meantime, a free and thoroughly English display of generous confidence, in intercourse with the people, would do more to tranquillize the country than the constant residence of ten thousand armed men. Bayonets have been long tried, and bayonets have hitherto failed; it is, therefore time that steel should give place to charity -distrust to confidence; all this, however, is only as a means to an end, and that end, the filling of Ireland with the true Gospel, the only cure for her heart-seated woes. But more is wanting to this. The English Church is the great stumbling-block in the way of the spread of Protestantism. So long as the tenth part of the nation's substance is exacted at the point of the sword, to support the religion of a tenth part of the nation's people, it is impossible there can be peace. There ought not! The English would not bear it for a moment; and why should the people of Ireland? Mr. Roebuck is to bring the subject before Parliament; but he has declined to act in conjunction with any organization, for which, we observe, he has been censured; but, perhaps, all things considered, he has pursued the most discreet part. To oppose the Church of Ireland is one thing-to oppose all Establishments is another; and it is easy to conceive of a Statesman who sees his way clear to the former, when he nevertheless cannot concur in the latter. Such is Mr. Macaulay, and such have been many other thorough-going Church-of-England men, while exasperated by the injustice and disgusted by the corruption of the Irish Church. Of course, nothing practical will come out of the hon. gentleman's motion; but it will serve to keep alive the question, and that is far from an unimportant consideration.

THE REGIUM DONUM-Light is beginning to break in upon the Presbyterian bodies of the North of Ireland on the subject of the Regium Donum. The men of the Movement are still in a small minority, but truth renders them potent. They are, moreover, men of sense and spirit, of energy and of perseverance, who are likely to go on till they have made an impression on their brethren, and brought into their ranks others of like mind with themselves.

view, that under the revised constitution of the Union, the rights of speech and suffrage in its assemblies, are limited to firstly, the pastors of churches which stand in full membership by annual contribution; secondly, the delegates deputed by such churches, and thirdly, personal members of the Union by annual subscription. The rules by which the eligibility of churches and brethren to enter into the fellowship of the Union, by annual contributions to its funds is regulated, will be found distinctly set out in the constitution of the Union, printed in the "Year-book" for 1849, pp. viii. and ix.

More precise information as to the place wherein the Assembly of the Union will meet, and as to the various matters of business to be submitted for its consideration, will be given in our next number. Meanwhile, a few remarks on the spirit and proceedings required by the occasion may not be inappropriate.

No other

The primary intention with which this Union was formed, had respect to the internal peace and love, purity and prosperity of the Congregational denomination. Its design was to provide occasions for fellowship, counsel, and prayer among those most deeply interested in our principles and their prevalence, in our churches and their prosperity. In some measure this design has been answered, but not certainly in a degree to satisfy its ardent friends. They long to see the independent churches of their country far more flourishing, and this Union a far more efficient means of promoting their prosperity. The present times are very peculiar. Various causes are acting with great force on religion in all its forms and interests. religious body is more open to the action of social and general influences than our own. The effect of the world on the church is always adverse, however its phases and aspects may vary at different periods. If at this time its hostile influence is peculiarly strong, that arises from all its forces being in a state of unwonted activity, rather than from any thing special in their present character. But it can hardly be doubted by any, that just now the Independent churches are suffering their full share of adverse effects from the world. To keep them right, much more to advance them to higher efficiency, in doctrine, in spirit, in zeal, and in devotion, will require the most strenuous efforts of their best friends.

Surely, then, every brother intending attendance at a meeting of several hundreds of the pastors and chief brethren of our churches, convened expressly to promote their interests, should prepare his spirit by thought and prayer for the occasion. The thought of each should be, how can I, by silence or by speech, by public testimony or by private influence, by prayer to God and by a Christian Spirit among my brethren, promote the good of our beloved Zion? It needs no proof that our usefulness among other churches, in all the interests of our native land, and in all missions of Christian benevolence, must depend on our own soundness, life, and strength in the Gospel. Whatever we can do to train up a truly efficient ministry-to increase the number of our churches in large populations-to train up the young in families and schools-to advance the spirit and power of true religion, is all required to fit the denomination, to act a worthy part now that error is everywhere rampant, now that spurious

philosophy, revived superstition, and extending irreligion, coupled with an ever-multiplying population, and an ever-growing worldliness, are worked by Satan with all his craft and malice, against the Blessed Gospel of Christ.

Our British Missions, Sunday Schools, efforts in general Education, chapel building, periodical literature, attempts for the good of the working classes, and projected improvements in the theological and literary training of our ministers, present a wide range and variety of active and material labours-perhaps enough-as much as we can do well, taxing our resources and energies in that direction quite sufficiently. But what are we doing to feed thought and to deepen piety? Whence are we drawing supplies of simplicity and humility, by which to hallow and purify our activities? Does the secret element of devout and spiritual religion adequately impregnate our public doings; Activity has its dangers no less than torpor. "Whoso is wise will consider these things."

CONGREGATIONAL BOARD OF EDU

CATION.

ON Tuesday evening, March 5th, a conversation was held at the rooms of the above Society, on "the political and social aspect of education." There was a numerous attendance of the members and friends of the Society. Samuel Morley, Esq., occupied the chair. The proceedings having been opened by prayer,

The CHAIRMAN said he was sure that no one felt more strongly than he did on the soundness of the principal which the Congregational Board of Education had adopted. Whether they looked at home or at the Colonies, it would be clearly seen that Government could not interfere with education in any form, without lessening that moral power, and that warm-hearted exertion, which constituted the most important elements in all school engagements. By throwing upon parents themselves, and those who might feel an interest in the subject, the responsibility of educating their children-a responsibility which the Government was not able to meet-the work would be better and sooner accomplished than by any other method.

MR. HENRY CHILD was called on by the Chairman to speak on the political and religious aspect of the subject. He remarked, that the present educational movement dated from the introduction of Sir J. Graham's Factory Bill, and the institution of the Committee of the Privy Council on Education-a body, it should be observed, which had never received the direct authority of the Legislature; but performed the functions of a Ministry of Instruction, without its name and responsibility. He contended, that the system of Government education, so far as it had been adopted in this country, had worked most disastrously. No one seemed satisfied with it. Even the Church of England, receiving, as it did, four-fifths of the Government grants, were loud in their complaints respecting it. The speaker drew attention to the report of the proceedings at the Church of England Educational meeting recently held in Willis's rooms, as indicating the existence of a strong feeling on the subject of education, which, heretofore, had not been found among the members of the Establishment; and of dissatisfaction with the Government scheme as at present in operation. The authorities at the Borough-road School, too, notwithstanding the advertisements which had lately appeared upon the subject, were beginning to feel very anxious as to the operation of the rules adopted by the Committee of Council. The Wesleyans, also, were feeling some little difficulty on the subject. It was clear then that the system had not worked well. Mr. Fox's bill-or rather

the reception it had met with from the Government, and from all classes of public men-was a still more significant sign of the times. It boldly proposed to distinguished between secular and religious education, and to make State-provision for the former. By permitting the introduction of the bill, the Government had virtually given its sanction to that principle. Now, the great body of Nonconformists agreed with the Church of England party in this if in nothing else-that the distinction was unsound in theory and impossible in practice. The Borough-road School had been started on a large and catholic principle, and was supported among others by Unitarians, on the understanding that while the Bible was used as a reading-book, Trinitarian doctrines should not be inculcated. But to avoid the latter was found so impracticable that many Unitarians had seceded from the society. The Committee had no wish to violate the spirit of their constitution, but it was found simply impossible to prevent Christian men, with the Bible in their hands, teaching those fundamental Christian truths which were so obvious in its pages. A document had recently appeared in Scotland, subscribed by many names of note, which seemed to be only an engagement when any solution of these difficulties should be discovered, to act upon the principle ascertained. Why could not the various parties, religious and political, thus painfully divided on so important a subject, recognise the simple truth of voluntaryism-that to teach the young was as much a religious matter as to preach to adults, and as such the peculiar mission of the Church, and therefore to be committed to the power and fidelity of religious conviction and benevolence? The principle of voluntaryism as much required that there should be no Government interference with the education of children, as it did that there should be no legislative control over the religion of the people.

The Rev. DR. MASSIE characterised Mr. Fox's Bill as nothing better than a manoeuvre,-a red herring drawn across the trail-put forth or countenanced in the hope that voluntary educationists would squabble about its details; principle it had none. In the speech with which it was introduced, there was a compromise with all principles. Secular education was boldly distinguished from religious but it was also represented that the former would be made subservient to the latter. He could not look upon it without the greatest alarm, owing to the favour with which it appeared to be regarded by so many thinking men of the country. In neither of the Houses of Parliament was there a man who rightly understood the subject of education. With all their leanings to liberty, -with all their predilections in favour of Free Trade, they dared not rise in the House, and advocate the true principle of educating the people. This he considered to be an important phase in the political aspect of education. The cry for Government education had been a sort of lullaby of certain politicians, humanitarians, and utilitarians, who contended that, unless Government educated the people, it could not punish them for their crimes; and even the Free Traders had so far deserted their principle as to join in the movement. Such a system had an injurious tendency upon the teachers, making them subservient to a higher authority, and extinguishing that independent feeling which it was important that a teacher should cherish. Many men, too, who would not take the Government money would be subject to a competition which they could hardly withstand, and perhaps be thrown out of employment in consequence. The action of the system upon the children would be equally injurious; mechanically moulding, rather than intellectually and morally training them. He believed Mr. Fox never made a greater blunder than when he compared the education of England with that of other countries The Englishman, he (Dr. Massie) contended was better educated than the Prussian, better understood his own laws, better appreciated the principles of liberty, better knew how to maintain and promote them. Dr. Massie then charged the paternity of Mr. Fox's Bill on the Lancashire

Public School Association. He related what he deemed a significant as well as an amusing incident connected with the introduction of the bill. When asked by the Speaker who brought up the bill with him, Mr. Fox replied, "Mr. Henry," which the Speaker mistaking, called for "Mr. Henley." That gentleman, of course, would have nothing to do with it; and Mr. Henry was the chairman of the Lancashire School Association, from whom the measure really emanated. Some of its principal men were Unitarians; and the whole body consisted of latitudinarian men, who had resolved upon a plan by which an irresponsible board was to tax the whole county of Lancashire, and force upon them their scheme of education. If they would do this in Lancashire, what would not be done in Buckinghamshire? If they would try and convert Yorkshire, what might they not attempt in Dorsetshire and Devonshire? What would become of their Independent chapels, with small Sunday-schools, in country places where the landlord and the squire and the parish priest would be the Committee for the National School of the district? In his speech, Mr. Fox had done the Congregational body a great injustice, misrepresented their undertakings, and calumniated their efforts in the smoothest possible language. So far from failing to raise the promised £200,000, as Mr. Fox asserted, they had administered twice that sum for educational purposes-in building only, they had expended £130,000. Dr. Massie again expressed his regret that no member of either House had sufficient understanding of, or faith in, the voluntary principle to advocate there its application to education; especially was he chagrined at the desertion, or at least inconsistency, of the Free Trade party.

MR. J. SCOBLE alluded to the results of Government interference in education in the colonies. He more particularly instanced British Guiana, where he said everything had been done by Government in reference to education; where, indeed, five religious establishments were maintained by the State; and where, notwithstanding these supposed advantages, the people were in the very lowest condition as regards both education and religion. This he said was a fair specimen of the other colonies where a Government mode of education had been adopted.

The Rev. W. J. UNWIN, principal of the Congregational Board of Education, urged the importance of making religion a thing of every day life, to be mixed up with all undertakings, and made an element in all kinds of education; not converting it into a mere intellectual exercise, and a thing distinct from every other species of training. Religion was a life; and he was rejoiced to find that sentiment being now put forth with so much power. Men were beginning to see that Schools, to be effective, must be begun, continued, and ended, in God. The reverend speaker explained at some length the mode of training adopted by the Board of Education, and pointed out some of the beneficial results which had already attended it. He complimented Mr. Cruickshank, on the energy, zeal, and talent uniformly displayed by him in the position he occupied; and thanked God that he had met with a colleague whose views were in such entire concurrence with his own.

The Rev. JOSIAH VINEY briefly adverted to the importance of elevating the position of schoolmasters in the social scale, as exercising the most important offices which they could be called upon to fill.

MR. CARTER urged the necessity of preventing any infringement on parental authority and responsibility in the matter of education.

MR. CRUICKSHANK, master of the model-school of the Board, delivered a practical address on the method of educating children, and expressed his belief that the reason why so many teachers failed, was that they lost the great object they had in view, in the many details necessary to its attain

ment.

The conversation terminated shortly after nine o'clock.