flattered nor pleased to discover, that his Majesty was secretly lending himself to another project, which he chose to shroud in mystery. It should be recollected, however, that, in the King's dangerous situation, it was both his interest and his duty to acquaint himself with the best means offered for his escape, and then to judge for himself. The principles of honor, as well as the dictates of discretion, forbade his disclosing the schemes of one party to the agents of another. fault was to approve all, and follow none. His From the circumstance of the King's paying over so much money to promote Monciel's plan, it is probable he gave that the preference, and had resolved to carry it into effect. He evidently adhered to it down to the very morning of the tenth of August. Bertrand writes as if he had got correct hints of the details of that plan, though it seems quite certain he did not know who were its authors or abettors. According to him, the design was for the King and Royal Family to take the route to Compiegne, where everything was to be in readiness, in case of necessity, to convey them out of the kingdom, by way of the forest of Ardennes and the principality of Beaumont. This is not improbable, as it was a part of Monciel's scheme, if occasion required, to call in the military aid of Lafayette, who was stationed with his army in that quarter. Several other plans of escape, besides the two above mentioned, were sent to the King, and one in particular by Madame de Staël, the accomplishment of which was to have been under the guidance of her friend Narbonne.* * Six years after the above events, Mr Morris met at Francfort, in Germany, a Mr Crawford, from whose account it appeared, that he had been a private agent from the English government to procure the removal of the Queen and Dauphin. The following is from Mr Morris's Diary. Francfort, June 8th, 1798.—Mr Crawford says he came to Paris in December, 1791, and continued there till April, 1792. He endeavored to persuade the Queen and Dauphin to leave France, a thing which, he says, the British government desired, as a means of saving the 33 VOL. I. Two or three notes from the Dutchess of Orleans, written at this time of perilous excitement and cruel disasters, will exhibit pleasing evidences of the goodness of her heart and warmth of her feelings. The Dutchess of Orleans to Mr Morris, August 21st.—'I pray you to send the letter accompanying this to the person, who wrote to me by you. I feel that his departure will increase the void of which he complains, and I wish it were in my power speedily to lessen it. No more agreeable idea ever presents itself to my mind, than that of the tea-table, where the administration of liberty and equality is so well established. You encourage the hope, that this shall soon be renewed. I am again charged with gratitude, with thanks, with a thousand things, from my father. Madame de Chastellux will write to you the earliest moment. You do justice to all my sentiments towards you; they shall be as unchangeable as they are sincere.' Mr Morris to the Dutchess of Orleans, September 7th.-' The letter of the good Princess reached me at the moment, when the horrors were beginning. They have not yet reached their limit. The vengeance of Heaven will, sooner or later, strike the wretches, who have escaped from human justice; and the God of peace and mercy, will, I hope, have pity on this people, pardon them, and give them at last repose and tranquillity. Ah! Princess, if virtue and goodness like yours were found in all, the exterminating angel would very soon sheath his sword. I pray you to present my homage to Monseigneur, your father, and to believe always in the sentiments of respect and affection which animate me.' Dutchess of Orleans to Mr Morris, September 12th.—' Your King, and even the monarchy. Crawford saw the royal consorts two or three times a week regularly; and the plan of the flight was arranged. But the Queen changed her mind, as usual, and declared that she would never separate her fortunes from those of the King. This determination so often resumed, or rather, as I think, instilled, proved her ruin.' attentions touch me deeply. You share, I am persuaded, my father's grief and mine, and conceive in what affliction we are plunged. All the circumstances of this death are heart-rending; we are overwhelmed by it. To my affliction is added my maternal anxiety, which increases every day. My children were well on the sixth. They were at Toul. But how many events may have taken place since that time! Alas! We know but too well how many may happen in a very brief space. My father is always grateful for your remembrance. He charges me to thank you sincerely, and to speak well of him to you. Our good Mr Morris knows the value I attach to his friendship, and merits the sentiments, which I have devoted to him forever.' CHAPTER XXI. CHANGE OF NEGOTIATION FOR PAYING A PART OF THE FRENCH DEBT.-DOUBTS RAIS- DEMANDS HIS THREATENS TO LEAVE PARIS.-CAPTURE OF LAFAYETTE. VIEWS OF THE AMERICAN MINISTERS AT LONDON, PARIS, AND THE HAGUE, AS TO THEIR AUTHORITY TO DEMAND HIS RELEASE.IMPRISONMENT OF MADAME DE LAFAYETTE IN PARIS.-DISAGREEABLE SITUATION OF MR MORRIS, AS MINISTER IN PARIS.—RETIRES INTO THE COUNTRY.-HIS VARIOUS OFFICIAL ACTS AND DUTIES.-IMPRISONMENT OF THOMAS PAINE AT THE LUXEMBOURG, AND MR MORRIS'S ATTEMPT TO PROCURE HIS RELEASE. MR MORRIS's RECALL. ONE of Mr Morris's first official transactions with the French ministry, was an arrangement respecting the liquidation of a portion of the debt due from the United States to France. This debt had been contracted during the American revolution, the original amount being thirty-four millions of livres. The interest and a part of the principal had already been paid. In the year 1790, Congress authorized the President to borrow a sum or sums not exceeding fourteen millions of dollars, to be appropriated towards the payment of the public debt. The business of contracting for the loans, thus authorized by Congress, was entrusted by the President to Mr Short, then Chargé des Affaires from the United States to France, and he received instructions accordingly from the Secretary of the Treasury to repair to Holland, and contract for loans on the best terms that should offer, within certain limits prescribed by the Secretary. The disposal of this money after it was borrowed, and while in the bankers' hands, as well as all arrangements with the French government concerning the debt, was also committed to Mr Short. When Mr Morris presented his credentials to the King, as minister from the United States, Mr Short had already made considerable progress in negotiating loans, and there was at that time a large sum of money belonging to the United States in the hands of their bankers at Amsterdam. As the interest on this money was lost, while thus lying useless, both Mr Short and Mr Morris thought it advisable, that some provision should be made for paying it over to the French government, on account of the American debt. Mr Short had received his credentials and instructions as Minister Resident in Holland, and was obliged to depart speedily for the Hague. The question then arose, as to the person duly empowered to manage the affairs of the American debt. Mr Morris's instructions contained nothing whatever on that head, whence he inferred, that the President intended the business to remain in the hands of Mr Short. On the contrary, Mr Short considered his agency at an end, when the new Minister was accredited, and took it for granted that the whole business devolved on him. In a concern of so much responsibility and delicacy, however, Mr Morris declined acting, without explicit instructions to that effect. Nevertheless, as the public good seemed to require it, he consented to negotiate a payment to the French ministry, as Mr Short's agent, the latter promising to sanction any arrangement thus made, and to order the money to be paid for carrying it into execution. With this understanding on both sides, Mr Short went to Holland, and Mr Morris concluded an agreement with the Commissioners of the Treasury, by which six millions of livres were to be paid to the French bankers in Holland, towards the liquidation of the American debt. On the 6th of August he gave notice of the same to Mr Short, who was then at the Hague, and requested him to make a transfer of that amount accordingly. By some accident, the letter conveying this information did not reach Mr Short, till the 16th of the month, very nearly the time that intelligence arrived of the revolution of the tenth. Here was a new and unexpected dilemma. The King was suspended, and the old government dissolved. Could the money rightfully be paid to the men, who had then put themselves at the head of affairs, and might perhaps be superseded in a week or a month by others, who would not acknowledge their authority, nor the validity of the payment? Mr Short thought not, and, moreover, believed, that he had authority only to pay the money to the King, or to the government existing at the time he received his instructions. At all events, he resolved to write to Mr Morris, and wait for his answer, as he had not heard from him since the events of the tenth. In reply, Mr Morris gave it as his opinion, that the change of government did not invalidate the transaction, and that the money ought to be paid. Mr Short was surprised at this decision, so contrary to his own views, and to the views of almost every person whom he consulted, yet having great confidence in the judgment of Mr Morris, and believing it to have been the real intention of the President, that the Minister in Paris should have entire control in the affairs of the debt, although by some oversight nothing had been said about it in the instructions, he resolved to pay over the money. In doing this, he bethought himself of a mode of obtaining security for the payment, in case any succeeding government should disavow the transaction. It happened, that the Executive Council in Paris named as their bankers the same house in Amsterdam, which had formerly |