and says, that in this moment the friends of liberty ought to unite and to understand each other. At coming away, the Bishop observes that Lafayette has no fixed plan, which is

true.

'November 4th.-Go to Madame de Staël's, in consequence of her invitation of yesterday. A great deal of bel esprit. The Bishop declined coming this morning, when I asked him at Madame de Flahaut's. I think that in my life I never saw such exuberant vanity, as that of Madame de Staël upon the subject of her father. Speaking of the opinion of the Bishop d'Autun on the church property, which he has lately printed, not having had an opportunity to deliver it in the Assembly, she says that it is excellent, it is admirable, in short, that there are two pages in it, which are worthy of M. Necker. Afterwards, she said, that wisdom is a very rare quality, and that she knows of no one who possesses it in a superlative degree, excepting her father.

'November 20th.-This morning I rise early and go to the Assemblée. Stay there till four. A tedious session, from which I derive a violent headache. Mirabeau and Dupont are the two speakers on M. Necker's plan, who command the most attention, but neither of them, in my opinion, derives honor from the manner of treating it. Probably it will be adopted; and, if so, it will be, I think, fatal to their finances, and completely derange them for some time to come.

Go to Madame de Staël's and sup. I give her my opinion of the speeches of this morning, and show one or two things, in which M. Dupont was mistaken. She does not like this, because he supported her father's plan, which she declares to be necessary.

'December 4th.-Go to Madame de Staël's. Music here. She sings. After supper Narbonne tells us, that he is authorised by Franche Comté to accuse the Comité des Recherches. This committee is very like what was called in the state of New York the Tory Committee, of which Duer was a leading member; a committee for detecting and defeating all conspi

racies, &c. &c. Thus it is that mankind in similar situations always adopt a correspondent conduct.-I had some conversation before supper with the Count de Ségur, who disapproves of the Bishop's oration; and so, indeed, do most others. And they blame particularly those things, which I had advised him to alter. He has something of the author about him. But the tender attachment to our literary productions is by no means suitable to a Minister. To sacrifice great objects for the sake of small ones is an inverse ratio of moral proportion.

'December 26th.-At club a member of the Committee of Finances mentions, that the totality of the public debt here is about 4,700,000,000 livres, including herein all reimbursements of charges of every kind, and calculating the Viagerès at ten years' purchase. That it may amount, perhaps, to 4,800, 000,000 livres; that is, to 200,000,000 sterling. This then is the extreme of a burthen, which this kingdom totters under. The Abbé d'Espagnac insists, that it is not so much by a great deal. While the dispute on this subject is at the height, a gentleman arrives, who communicates the extraordinary intelligence that Monsieur, the King's brother, has been to the Communes, and made a speech on the subject of a charge circulated against him yesterday, that he was at the head of the supposed plot against Monsieur Bailli and Monsieur de Lafayette. Go to Madame de Chastellux's. While there, the Chevalier de Graave brings us Monsieur's speech. It is very well written; but has the fault of calling himself a citizen, and again, his audience fellow citizens.-Go to the Louvre. Madame tells me the history of this speech. Monsieur, yesterday, upon hearing of the slander, applied to the Duc de Livi, who, not knowing what advice to give him, applied to the Bishop d'Autun, who made the speech for him. This morning, Monsieur applied to the King, and asked him if he meant to send another of his brothers out of the kingdom, and then went on to complain of the slander. This touches Lafayette, who has too many of these little matters on the anvil. It was then determined, that Monsieur should go to the Ville.

'December 27th.-After dinner I speak to Lafayette about. Monsieur's speech to the Commons. He takes Short and me into his closet. Tells us, that for a long time he has had information of a plot, that he has followed the track, and at length taken M. de Favras, that on M. de Favras was found a letter from Monsieur, which seemed to show that he was but too deeply concerned in it, that he had immediately waited upon him with that letter, which he delivered, telling Monsieur, that it was known only to him and Monsieur Bailli; consequently, that he was not compromised, that Monsieur was much rejoiced at this intelligence, that yesterday morning, however, he sent for him, and, being surrounded by his courtiers, spoke in high terms respecting a note, which had been circulated the evening before, charging him with being at the head of the conspiracy. Lafayette told him, that he knew of but one way to discover the authors, which was by offering a reward, which should be done. That Monsieur then declared his determination to go to the town-house in the afternoon, and that, in consequence, que preparation was made to receive him when he should come, that he came and pronounced the speech we have seen, which was written by Mirabeau, whom he considers as an abandoned rascal.

'Every man is dear to himself. All the world knew Mirabeau to be a rascal, when Lafayette connected himself with him; but it is in this moment only, that he feels the misery of such a connexion. I remind him of the warnings I had given, with respect to Mirabeau, and add the intelligence, which the Count de Luxembourg desired me to convey, viz. that Mirabeau had sworn, that he would ruin Lafayette. I then tell him, that this step of Monsieur has thrown the cards into his hands. That he has placed himself at the head of the revolution, in which place he ought to be kept; because, if there should happen any counter revolution, he secures the heads of all others against accidents; and, if the revolution is fully effected, the nullity of his character will of course seclude him from all weight and authority.

'January 1st, 1790.-I go to Monsieur de Lafayette's a long time before the company assemble. Dine at half past four. He tells me that Monsieur and Mirabeau are closely allied; that one is a weak and indolent creature, the other an active and artful rascal. I tell him that they must finish the trial of Bezenvald, because the people begin to take his part, and that, of course, a violent torrent may be turned against his prosecutors. This affects him. To my surprise he tells me that, notwithstanding my criticisms on the Assemblée, I must acknowledge that their Constitution is better than that of England. I assure him that he is much mistaken, if he imagines that to be my opinion.

'January 12th.-There has been a riot this day in Paris, and a number of the militaire, who were engaged in the squabble, have been taken prisoners. The matter is not as yet thouroughly understood. But all agree, that Lafayette has acted with great prudence and decision.

January 19th.-Dine at the Palais Royal. The Dutchess after dinner tells me, that the Duke's reasurer does not pay, as he ought to do, monthly; and that, unless this is done, she will not adhere to the contract. She receives now 450,000 livres per annum, of which 350,000 are appropriated to the house servants, table, &c. near 15,000 louis. Certainly a great economy might be made upon this article.

January 25th.-Dine at the Palais Royal. The Vicomte de St Pris, who sits next to me, mentions the idea of the King's going to the Assemblée, in order to put himself at the head of the revolution. I blame this step, and tell him, without mincing the matter, that his advisers to that step give him un conseil ou inepte ou perfide.'

It was at this time, that Mr Morris addressed a note to the Queen of France, containing advice as to the course, which the King ought to pursue. He opposed the idea, that the King should place himself at the head of the revolution, alleging that he had already gathered fruits but too bitter from his intercourse with the Assembly, and all that he had now to do

Disas

was to remain quiet, and let things take their course. ters were thickening, confusion would follow, and ere long the people would be disgusted with the novelties, that were working so much to their injury, and they would then return to their King, and offer him the spoils, which they had wrested from him, and it would depend on him alone to ensure the happiness of France.' A Constitution, securing the liberties of the nation, suited to its condition, and acceptable to a wise and benevolent King, might then be framed. At present nothing should be done. This paper was handed to the Queen by her Physician, Vic d'Azyr.

'February 4th.-The King has been to the Assemblée. His speech has been received with great applause. The Assembly take an oath to support the Constitution, which is to be made. A strange oath! If this step of his Majesty has any effect upon reasonable minds, it must be to prove more clearly the feebleness of his Ministers.'

CHAPTER XIX.

MR MORRIS IS COMMISSIONED BY WASHINGTON ON A SECRET AGENCY TO BRITISH

THE

GOVERNMENT.-HIS

NEGOTIATION.-DUKE

OF LEEDS.

MR PITT.-TOUR UP THE RHINE.-SELECTIONS FROM THE DIARY NARRATING EVENTS. IN PARIS.-MR MORRIS'S MULTIPLICITY OF AFFAIRS IN EUROPE.-DEATH OF MIRABEAU.-MR MORRIS VISITS THE DUTCHESS OF ORLEANS AT EU. HE WRITES A MEMOIRE FOR THE KING, AND THE DRAFT OF A SPEECH DESIGNED TO BE PRONOUNCED BY THE KING TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY.

On the twenty-first of January, Mr Morris received a letter from General Washington, appointing him a private agent to transact important affairs with the British Ministry, and enclosing credentials for that purpose. From the time Mr Adams left England, there had been no American Minister at that Court, and points of deep interest to the United States now