short, they fairly contended about the future forms of our government, whether it should be founded upon Aristocratic or Democratic principles.

'I stood in the balcony, and on my right hand were ranged all the people of property, with some few poor dependants, and on the other all the tradesmen, &c. who thought it worth their while to leave daily labor for the good of the country. The spirit of the English Constitution has yet a little influence left, and but a little. The remains of it, however, will give the wealthy people a superiority this time, but would they secure it, they must banish all schoolmasters, and confine all knowledge to themselves. This cannot be. The mob begin to think and to reason. Poor reptiles! it is with them a vernal morning, they are struggling to cast off their winter's slough, they bask in the sunshine, and ere noon they will bite, depend upon it. The gentry begin to fear this. Their committee will be appointed, they will deceive the people, and again forfeit a share of their confidence. And if these instances of what with one side is policy, with the other perfidy, shall continue to increase, and become more frequent, farewell aristocracy. I see, and I see it with fear and trembling, that if the disputes with Britain continue, we shall be under the worst of all possible dominions. We shall be under the domination of a riotous mob.

'It is the interest of all men, therefore, to seek for reunion with the parent state. A safe compact seems in my poor opinion to be now tendered. Internal taxation to be left with ourselves. The right of regulating trade to be vested in Britain, where alone is found the power of protecting it. I trust you will agree with me, that this is the only possible mode of union. Men by nature are free as the air. When they enter into society, there is, there must be, an implied compact, for there never yet was an express one, that a part of this freedom shall be given up for the security of the remainder. But what part? The answer is plain. The least possible, considering the circumstances of the society, which constitute what may VOL. I. 3

be called its political necessity. And what does this political necessity require in the present instance? Not that Britain should lay imposts upon us for the support of government, nor for its defence. Not that she should regulate our internal police. These things affect us only. She can have no right to interfere. To these things we ourselves are competent. But can it be said, that we are competent to the regulating of trade? The position is absurd, for this affects every part of the British Empire, every part of the habitable earth. If Great Britain, if Ireland, if America, if all of them, are to make laws of trade, there must be a collision of these different authorities, and then who is to decide the vis major? To recur to this, if possible to be avoided, is the greatest of all great absurdities.

'Political necessity therefore requires, that this power should be placed in the hands of one part of the empire. Is it a question which part? Let me answer by asking another. Pray which part of the empire protects trade? Which part of the empire receives almost immense sums to guard the rest? And what danger is in the trust? Some men object, that England will draw all the profits of our trade into her coffers. All that she can, undoubtedly. But unless a reasonable compensation for his trouble be left to the merchant here, she destroys the trade, and then she will receive no profit from it.

'If I remember, in one of those kind letters with which you have honored me, you desire my thoughts on matters as they rise. How much pleasure I take in complying with your requests let my present letter convince you. If I am faulty in telling things, which you know better than I do, you must excuse this fault, and a thousand others for which I can make no apology. I am, Sir, &c.

'GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.'

In another paper written about the same time, he undertakes to state on what terms he supposes a reconciliation be

tween the mother country and the colonies might be effected. He thinks taxation' the chief bar, and that in everything else the colonies would be willing to yield a supremacy, reserving at the same time to their own legislatures the disposal of the sums levied within them respectively for the regulation of trade, duties, and customs. 'What will the Americans accept? To answer this question, let the state of the two countries be considered. I build on three facts; first, that reunion between the two is essential to both, I say essential; secondly, that in every state there must be of necessity one legislature, which is supreme; thirdly, that in every society the members have an antecedent right to the utmost liberty, which can be enjoyed consistent with the general safety. Is taxation an unalienable branch of the supreme legislature? Reason and experience both tell us that it is not. The King of France might invest his parliaments with this right, and yet be supreme in every other instance. In all governments there must be trust somewhere, and there would be no temptation to tyrannize, I believe, when the right of taxation is ceded. Nor will I mention the dernier resort, because I think government should be founded on stationary and not revolutionary principles.'

6

He mentions also a plan of uniting the whole continent in one grand legislature,' and thinks such a scheme would be fortunate, if practicable, but he looks upon it as hopeless, both from the opposition which would be made to it by persons already in power on the one hand, and by the Americans on the other, since its tendency would be to give greater influence to the crown, diminish the importance of each colony, and restrain the democratic spirit, which the constitutions and local circumstances of the country had so long fostered in the minds of the people.

CHAPTER II.

POLITICAL STATE OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES AT THE OPENING OF THE OF THE FIRST FORMS OF GOVERNMENT.

REVOLUTION.-ORGANIZATION

COMMITTEES OF THE PEOPLE.-FIRST PROVINCIAL CONVENTION AND CONGRESS OF NEW YORK.-MODES OF ELECTION.-PART TAKEN BY MR MORRIS IN THE FIRST CONGRESS.-ASPECT OF POLITICAL OPINIONS IN THE CONGRESS AND IN THE COLONY.-MEANS OF RAISING MONEY.-MR MORRIS'S PLAN.

We are now coming to a period in Mr Morris's life, when we can begin to trace his progress with more distinctness and precision. The great event of a final separation between the British government and the colonies was now approaching, and he was destined to act a commanding part in the drama that followed. We have found him writing to his friend, that he 'disliked politics,' little anticipating probably that this dislike would be so soon conquered, and that a large portion of his future life would be passed amidst the most stirring scenes of political change and excitement. Whatever may have been the impressions of his youth, or the bias of his opinions in the incipient stages of the threatening storm, he betrayed no hesitancy when the crisis came, but united promptly and cordially with the supporters of his country's claims, and from that moment to the end of the contest he stood in the front ranks of those most distinguished for their patriotism, fortitude, and constancy.

The American colonies, during the three first years of the revolution, presented a phenomenon in the political world, of which there is no example in the history of nations. Twelve governments, which had hitherto existed independent of each other, and alike subordinate to a superior power, all at once and as if by common consent, threw off their alle giance to tha

power, and assumed to themselves the perilous task of self government, at the fearful hazard of distraction and anarchy among themselves, and of receiving on their heads the weight of vengeance prepared by their former masters, as a punishment of their disobedience and revolt. No condition of human affairs could be more critical or alarming. The social and political compact was absolutely resolved into its first elements, and it remained with each individual in these wide. spread communities to determine in what manner, and on what terms, he would consent to renew this compact, and what sacrifices he would make of his private interests and personal independence for the general good.

The marvellous success, which attended the experiment of erecting a new fabric, and the union of feeling and effort, which contributed to its strength and durability, can only be accounted for by the fact, that the sense of wrong was universally felt, that the burden of oppression rested heavily upon all, and that common suffering and danger kindled a spirit of united resolution, which, from whatever motive it might first originate, rose speedily to the lofty tone of self denial and patriotism. But however we may explain causes, the results will not be the less extraordinary, and the formation of the American Republics must ever be a theme of wonder to those, who judge of social organizations by the annals of past experience, and in all future time it must constitute a novel chapter in the history of mankind.

This is not the place to unfold the principles, or state the facts, by which events so remarkable were brought to pass. As the subject of this memoir, however, was a prominent actor in the revolutionary movements, which gave rise to these events, I shall not be thought to wander from the province of biography, if I introduce such a view of particulars, and such a train of observations, as will conduct the reader to a just estimate of the part he sustained. Mr Morris was a member of the first Provincial Congress of New York, which was convened in the spring of 1775, and he continued a member of