whose rulers are yet ignorant of what is best even for the single one which they govern; these, with the thousand others, which it is hardly in language to enumerate or in genius to conceive, or in anything but experience to show, these must at last induce the people of America, if the war continues, to entrust proper powers to the American sovereign, as they have already compelled that sovereign reluctantly to relinquish the administration, and entrust to their Ministers the care of this immense republic. I say, if the war continues, or if it does not continue, I have no hope, no expectation, that the government will acquire force; and I will go further, I have no hope, that our union can subsist, except in the form of an absolute monarchy, and this does not seem to consist with the taste and temper of the people. The necessary consequence, if I am right, is, that a separation must take place, and consequently wars, for near neighbors are very rarely, if ever, good neighbors. But all political reasonings are liable to very great uncertainty, and it is only the Supreme Intelligence, who can determine sufficiently, eveu on facts to ground reasonings. Still, our conduct must be swayed by our opinions, and therefore from the same attachment to the happiness of mankind, which prompted my first efforts in this revolution, I am now induced to wish, that Congress may be possessed of more, much more authority, than has hitherto been delegated to them.

Though you are not Minister of War, you must act in some measure as such, and you will see that you are also to be a kind of financier. Indeed the distance of the Southern States, the interruptions in communications with them, the changes which take place before facts can be known here, and determinations on the transmitted from hence, all require that a man of sense and integrity should act on liberal principles, as circumstances may require. From considerations like these, I have been induced to think, that there was wisdom in leaving you where you are, and I might have agreed in opinion on that subject with other people, only I am inclined to think, that the Southern States will be evacuated.

'You have, I am convinced, very much the confidence of those States, and I rely that you will press them hard on the score of revenue. You remember the story of Archimedes, who said to the king of Syracuse, give me a place to stand on and I will move the earth. It may with great truth be said to the several States, give money to support us and we will establish your independence. With great regard and sincerity,

I am yours,

'GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.'

At this time there was a Spanish agent in Philadelphia, by the name of Rendon, acting in a kind of demi-official capacity, stationed there ostensibly to watch over the commerce of his countrymen, and protect them from the undue freedoms of American privateers, but in reality to keep his eye on the doings of Congress, to penetrate their designs in regard to the Mississippi country, to observe the political aspect of affairs, to collect information of various kinds, and to communicate the results of the whole to his government. Mr Rendon was a faithful agent to his employers, and were it not for the habitual insincerity of the Spanish cabinet in all their proceedings towards America, his mission might be thought to have been a token of friendship and respectful consideration. At any rate it was desirable to keep the agent in good humor, and pains were not spared to give him knowledge and fix just impressions.

On the subjects of the paper money and finance of the United States, Mr Rendon put a series of questions to Mr Morris, which he requested might receive such answers, as he could send to the King, and as would be easily understood by him and his Ministers. In his note of queries he says, 'Mr Rendon is infinite desirous of making his Court acquainted how much America indebted to the particular care of the Messrs Morrises, and with what is to be expected from an administration, which already enjoys so much credit.' He requests a history of American finance from the beginning of the revolution, the plan and present state of the bank, an

account of the national debt and means of paying it, and the amount of annual expenses, adding that Mr Morris will see how necessary it is for the King to be informed, as to the last point in particular, which will enable him to judge both of the wants and resources of America, and perhaps determine him to afford her effectual aid.'

In reply to these queries Mr Morris wrote an able paper, containing a brief but clear and forcible exposition of each topic by itself. This he could easily do, as no man in the nation had surveyed the whole ground with a more exact scrutiny, or was better informed in all its details. It is not known whether Mr Rendon sent the paper to the Spanish Cabinet as he proposed, but it is quite certain that nothing was ever heard of the effectual aid,' at which he had hinted. A copy was forwarded to Mr Jay, and left to his discretion for such use, as circumstances might render expedient in his negotiation.

CHAPTER XV.

ONERS.-FRANCE AND
CORRESPONDENCE

THE

MR MORRIS AND GENERAL KNOX COMMISSIONERS FOR EXCHANGE OF PRISUNITED STATES.-COUNT VERGENNES.BETWEEN MR MORRIS AND GENERAL GREENE.OF THE WAR.-BRITISH COMMERCIAL RESTRICTIONS.-TRADE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND FRENCH

NEWBURGH

LETTERS.-CLOSE

WEST INDIA ISLANDS.

By an agreement between General Washington and Sir Henry Clinton, Commissioners were appointed to meet for the purpose of consulting on the exchange of prisoners. General Knox and Gouverneur Morris were delegated on the part of General Washington, and General Dalrymple and Andrew Elliott on that of the British commander. They met and exchanged powers at Elizabeth Town, in New Jersey, on the

31st of March, 1782. They had a wide scope of business entrusted to them, extending both to military and naval prisoners. Mr Morris wrote to the Superintendent of Finance on the first day of their meeting.

'We exchanged powers with the Commissioners of Sir Henry Clinton, viz. General Dalrymple and Andrew Elliott, this morning, and shall proceed to business tomorrow. I fancy we shall be engaged for some time, though I cannot positively determine. But you shall know, as soon as I do, the events, which may be important. With respect to the designs of the enemy on our commerce, I am as yet ignorant of them, but shall probably gain some intelligence before long. I believe you may rely that Germain and Sandwich give place to Shelburne and Howe. Clinton will, I believe, go home. As to their situation here, I think it is not yet decided among themselves.

'I have had some very free conversation on these subjects, and shall have more. If you can let me know anything very recent of English politics, I wish you to do it, as it may be useful. General Dalrymple wishes to know how the change has been operated in our finances, so as to have avoided the convulsions apprehended, which he considers as a prodigy. I tell him it is the age and country of miracles, and he will see more and greater ones ere long. I shall give him at a convenient opportunity some little details on this subject with great candor. He this morning asked my sentiments, as to the change in their Ministry. I told him candidly, that I had supposed Great Britain would change Ministers before they offered treaty with us, but I did not expect a change so soon, for that I really did not expect they would think of treating with us on the ground of independence as yet. This, said he, is another affair. I told him I was sorry Lord Howe was appointed, because he is a great marine officer. "It might," said he, "have done some time ago, but"-" "Oh, Sir, you are still a great people, a very great people." "Why yes, if we had five or six years to bring our finances in order again, we might

perhaps still hold our rank in Europe." "You undoubtedly will, notwithstanding the loss of this country." "Why wa shall be more compact.'

The Commissioners had before them three specific objects of consultation and arrangement; a cartel for the exchange of prisoners, a liquidation of all accounts for the maintenance of prisoners on both sides, and provision for their future support. Unluckily they could not agree upon any one point. The demands and terms on each side were such, as the other would not accede to, and after two weeks' deliberation they separated without having decided upon anything. The truth is, the subject had become a very delicate and a very difficult one to handle. Mutual complaints about prisoners had existed from the beginning of the war. The cruel treatment of those, who were first taken by the British in New York, had exasperated the minds of the Americans, and the detention afterwards of the Convention troops of Saratoga, as the English always insisted against the rules of war, had equally roused the indignation of the enemy. Various other incidents contributed to keep alive this feeling on both sides, and, in the mean time, the unfortunate prisoners were detained, the victims of British pride on the one hand, and American obstinacy on the other.

An intimate correspondence was still kept up between Mr Morris and Mr Jay. That Commissioner had repaired to Paris in June, and was engaged with Dr Franklin in negotiating the treaty of peace.

JOHN JAY TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.

'Dear Morris,

'Paris, October 13th, 1782.

'I have received your festina lente letter, but wish it had been, at least partly, in cyphers. You need not be informed of my reasons for this wish, as by this time you must know, that seals are on this side of the water rather matters of decoration, than of use. It gave me nevertheless great pleasure to receive that letter, it being the first from you that had reach ed me, the Lord knows when; except, indeed, a few lines