511 33,571

6,586 281,518 2622,722 276,367 10,775 150,190 215,655 26,831 1651,977 1016,067 1920,421 1389,533 172,715 7,147

1,568 892

:

17,427

::

1,757

1,466

AGGREGATE OF IMPORTATIONS-CONTINUED, AGGREGATE OF IMPORTATIONS-CONTINUED')

404,101) 36,491 44,127 93,906 66,0041 699,531 373,611 34,200 389,016 1,424 9,967 12,955 61,529 1,501 7,091 29

AGGREGATE OF IMPORTATIONS-CONCLUDED.

Russia -
Prussia.

Sweden and dependencies

Holland

Denmark

do.

da.

Great Britain

do.

Hamburg, Bremen, &c.

6

:

France and dependencies

.99,817

do.
do.

238,231

9,439
1,200

12

4

484,052

19,852

3,530

Total 2879,438 660,384 4,610 4,403 5,346 2,874 16,948) 6,080 2,754 5,573 1,97113,325 29,293 5,973

293

87

1996,661 635,950 3,911 4,403 5,346 2,661 11,008 4,180 1,788 4,400

:

66

:

:

129

:

6

:

Fish.

Pickled.

Salmon.Mackar'l All other bottles
Black

groce

:

Shoes

Legislature of New Hampshire.

GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.

To the honorable senate and house of representatives :
GENTLEMEN,

I herewith transmit to you certain documents which I have received since the last session of the legislature.

Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5, contain the letter and remarks of the third auditor of the treasury department of the United States, upon the claims of this state, for military services and monies expended during the late war, and copies of my letters to him. Nos. 6, 7, 8 and 9, contain letters from the governors of the states of Vermont, New York, Ohio and Mississippi, enclosing resolves of the legislatures of those states, upon the subject of amendments to the constitution of the United States.

No. 10 is the adjutant general s return of the militia of this state.

Since the last session I have received a large box containing copies of the laws of the first session of the fifteenth congress of the United States; and also copies of the laws of the second session of that congress. Those laws are deposited in the secretary's office, subject to your order..

In pursuance of a request from the legislature to appoint a suitable person to obtain information upon the subject of internal improvement, and to designate such objects in this state as were most entitled to public patronage, I appointed Ichabod Bartlett, esq. for that purpose. He accepted the trust, and made an able and judicious report upon the subject; which I have transmitted, with the documents accompanying it, to the secretary of the treasury of the United States. For these services you will, I presume, make Mr. Bartlett a suitable compensation. No: 11 is a copy of his report.

Agreeable to the vote of the legislature, I authorized the commissionary general to remove and sell the piers sunk in the harbor of Portsmouth. He has executed that trust, and paid me the net proceeds of the sale; which are carried to the credit of the state in my account of contingent expenditures. My account for defraying the contingent expenses of the government for the last year is balanced, and lodged with the vouchers in the secretary's office.

The ill state of my health, and a respect to the principle of rotation in office, induced me early in the last session, to decline a re-election. And it is with: pleasure that I now congratulate the state, upon the prospect of the office of chief magistrate being conferred upon a gentleman of talents and integrity. In retiring from this important and responsible office, permit me to state the principles, and course. of conduct I have adopted and pursued during my administration.

As I considered it my duty, I have at the commencement of each session of the legislature, respectfully, but explicitly, recommended such sub. jects for their consideration as appeared to me best calculated to promote the happiness of the people→→ the end and object for which our government was established. States and nations are secure and prosperous, in proportion as the people are easy and contented with their situation; and the more they are relieved from taxes and burthens the more firmly they will be attached to the laws and institutions of their country. I have therefore ever felt a thorough conviction of the vital importance of frugality and economy in the management of public affairs, and the propriety of granting only moderate JOSEPH NOURSE, Register.salaries and emoluments to public officers. The

Segars.

cards.

Playing

packs.

Treasury department, Register's office, Feb. 8, 1819,

history of the world shews, that the growth of pro-fices have frequently been made; but in many infusion and extravagance in governments, has generally far exceeded the increase of the population and wealth of the people. And it will be well for us, if this be not one of the serious evils which, as a nation, we have much cause to deprecate.

On the first day of June, 1816, the state was indebted to several banks in the sum of $335,000 00 on interest; and there was then in the treasury $11,524 88. Since that period those debts have all been paid, and there is now in the treasury more than $10,000 00. Within the last three years we have received from the United States, on account of our claims for military services and expenditures in the late war, $58,000 00. And in the same time we have paid, beside the ordinary expenses of go-rest of the public-and that men of modest, unasvernment, the following sums: For building the state house,

Military services, &c. in the late

war,

Loan to Dartmouth university,

Printing military books,

Encouragement to agriculture,

$60,282 49
4,621 48
4,000 00
3,000 00
1,000 00

stances it afterwards appeared, that those who subscribed the recommendations did not consider themselves responsible for the character and conduct of those whom they recommended. Indeed, instances have occurred when those who recommended the successful candidates, have been the first to join the disappointed expectants, in censuring the executive for making such appointments. The candidates for office themselves, in too many instances, not satisfied with PROCURING recommendations, have personally importuned for office; but I have found that office-seekers were not always the best qualified— that they were usually more anxious for the honors and emoluments of office than to promote the intesuming merit ought to be preferred. To my regret, some men whom I considered well qualified, declined office. To increase these embarrassments, a difference of opinion, in a few instances, existed between myself and a majority of the council, respécting the qualifications of certain individuals for office. When this happened, as it was necessary to fill the vacancy, if the council declined to agree $72,903 95 with me, I thought myself bound to consent to their The constitution requires the governor to ap-nomination. In such cases I was considered by the prove the bills and resolves passed by the two hou-people responsible for appointments, which I should ses, or return them with his objections. As I pos- not otherwise have made. sessed no authority to propose amendments, if the principle of the bill appeared to be correct, and was expressed in definite terms, though its details were imperfect, I have considered myself bound to approve it. With this limitation I have exercised freely the right to return bills and resolves with my objections. Of eight bills and six resolves so re- In appointing judges, it was my sole object to seturned, some were unanimously rejected, others by lect men of talents, of legal information, of strict in large majorities, and not one of them had a majori-tegrity, and such as I deemed best qualified for ty of the two houses in its favor. Though this those important trusts. And with a view to exclude, course left each of the three branches of the legisla- as far as practicable, the spirit of party from the ture to act upon its own responsibility, yet to dis- temples of justice, and to inspire a general confiapprove of what a majority of the other two branch-dence in the courts of law, in which every citizen es deemed expedient, was to me an unpleasant but has a deep interest, I appointed men of different necessary task. I was the more induced to exercise political principles. this right, from observing the ill effects which have As offices are created for the benefit of the people arisen from the disuse of that power in a foreign and not for the honor and emolument of the officers, government; where, since its executive has ceased and as their unnecessary increase has a tendency to to exercise its veto, its indirect influence has ac-impair the responsibility of the officer, and render quired an undue and irresponsible control over the legislature.

During the time I was in office, an unusual number of appointments were to be made, including all the judges of the courts of law, those of probate excepted; the sheriffs of four counties; most of the justices of peace, and nearly all the militia officers of the state.

the office less respectable, it has been my object not to increase the number of justices of peace beyond the limits which the public interest requir ed.

In making the appointments of the various of ficers, which the constitution and laws vest in the executive, I have been frequently embarrassed and As some towns appeared to have a greater num. perplexed. The greatest imperfection in all go-ber of justices than was either necessary or useful, vernments, arises from not having men of virtue soon after I came into office I declined renewing and talents to carry the laws into execution. Laws some of their commissions, but reflection and exfounded in wisdom and justice require men of know-perience convinced me that this course would be inledge and integrity for their correct and impartial jurious, as commissions of some of the justices, who administration. From the nature of human affairs, were best qualified, expired first, and if not renewthere must be a portion of discretion vested in exe-ed, the community would be deprived of their sercutive officers; and this discretionary power will vices. On maturely considering the subject, I came often be abused, by weak men from ignorance, and to the resolution to renew the commissions of all by bad men from design. Hence my object was to justices whose term expired, except those who by appoint those men to office who were best qualified.infirmity of age or mental derangement, were incaTo make such a selection was difficult. I was not, pable of performing the duties of the office; those in all cases, acquainted with the persons best quali- who encouraged and promoted litigation; were infied for places of trust; and therefore, in some in- temperate or guilty of gross immorality; sheriffs, stances, was obliged to act upon the information of and recently their deputies; persons who had reothers. That information, in general, consisted not moved into a town in which there were before a of facts, but of opinions, and those often formed sufficient number; and those the certificates of under the influence of interested motives, the par-whose oaths of office had not during the preceding tiality of friendship, personal hostility, slight ac-five years been returned to the secretary's office, quaintance, or the spirit of party; and of course The constitution seems to imply that if the judges they often proved incorrect. Recommendations of the superior court were justices of the peace, and petitions in favor of candidates for particular of- they should be throughout the state, and I according

ly appoined them such. But during the last three idiocy; and to those who being imprisoned for theft, years I declined appointing any others of that grade, were before their term had expired visited with except the chief justices of the courts of common sickness, which for want of free air and better acpleas, and renewing those whose commissions expi-commodations, it appeared probable would termired: because I could discover but little duty for nate in death-a punishment which the law did not them to perform, and the number already in office intend to inflict. was sufficient for that purpose.

I

By the law of the 27th of June last, the concerns. of the state prison were committed to the governor and council; and provision made that they should have a suitable compensation for those additional services. In relation to myself, I request that you would make no grant to me on that account. I am satisfied with the reward I have received--it is adequate to the services I have rendered. I never accepted office for the sake of its emoluments. The mote the interest and prosperity of the state, not those of any religious sect or political party. I have, whenever they came in collision, preferred In relation to military appointments, the consti- the public to my private interest; and been more tution having vested the right in the field officers anxious to serve than to please the people. But how of each regiment to nominate their captains and sub-far my efforts have succeeded, it is for others to dealterns, and made it the duty of the governor to cide. I am satisfied with the honors of office, withcommission those whom they nominate, I consider-out being disgusted with its duties; and having rened myself bound, as soon as I ascertained that a va- dered this account of my administration, I retire to cancy existed, to issue commissions agreeably to private life, to share in common with my fellow-citisuch nominations, and that without making any en-zens the effects, prosperous or adverse, of my of quiry into the qualifications of those who were no- cial measures. WILLIAM PLUMER. minated. It is a subject of regret that the field of- June 2, 1819. ficers do not make their selection of subalterns with greater caution, and that they nominate so many minors to office,

In the appointment of new justices of the peace, made it a rule not to appoint in any town more than one to three hundred inhabitants, except where peculiar circumstances rendered it necessary. Though this rule leaves the number greater than what is requisite, I considered that reform, to be permanent, must be gradual: I was therefore content with diminishing an evil which I could not wholly remove. On the first of June, 1816, the num-great object of my official labors, has been to prober of justices of the peace in the state was nine hundred and eighty four; it is now reduced to eight hundred and three.

As to field officers, I have, with very few exceptions, appointed them according to seniority of rank, I adopted this course, not from a want of authority to pursue a different one, but from the impracticability of obtaining correct information who possessed the qualifications requisite for officers of that grade. But in appointing general officers, they be. ing few in number, I have departed from this rule, and selected men more on account of their merit than their rank.

In the last three years I have issued two thousand one hundred and sixty one military commissions.

National Interests.

Address of the Philadelphia society for the promotion of domestic industry, to the citizens of the United States. No. IX.

Philadelphia, June 3, 1819. In our preceding addresses, fellow citizens, we have presented you with sketches of the policy of England, Russia, Prussia and Portugal-and displayed the wisdom and beneficial results of the sys. tem of the three first nations, and even of the last at one period of her history. We have shown, from authentic documents, the rapid destruction of the prosperity and happiness of Portugal, when she reloxed the system of protecting her national industry

As the constitution excludes a person holding the office of judge, attorney general, or sheriff, from a whereby she was precipitated from a flourishing seat in the council, there appeared to me an impro- situation, in two or three years, exactly as the Unitpriety in appointing councillors to either of those ed States have been, and in about the same space offices. Such an appointment would deprive the of time. We feel a confident hope that those who state of a member of the executive board, or sub- have brought to the discussion that spirit of candor ject the people to the expense of new meetings to and impartiality, which is requisite to a correct deelect another, and the state to the charge of an ex-cision, and which the importance of the subject detra-session of the legislature to receive and count manded, have been convinced of the vital and radithe votes. On that account, and, as far as I was cal errors in our system of policy. able, to preserve the independence of the council, We now present to your view the essence of the I have uniformly declined appointing a councillor report of Alexander Hamilton, on the encourageto any office which, if accepted, would have ex-ment of national manufactures, one of the most lucluded him from the board. minous and instructive public documents ever proUpon the subject of granting pardons to persons duced in this, or perhaps in any other country. It convicted of public offences, I never considered sheds a glare of light on this all-important subject, myself at liberty to revise, or question the proprie- that points out with unerring certainty, the course ty of the opinion of the court which rendered the this nation should pursue. Happy would it have judgment. The courts of law, are the only tribu-been, had the legislature of the union been guided nals competent to pronounce upon the innocence by its dictates-We should then have made rapid or guilt of the accused; and their decision ought advances in the career of prosperity which was open to be conclusive. As our currency consists princi- to us, and in which we were invited to proceed. Bat pally of paper bills-as much of our property de- unfortunately our whole system of political econopends upon the validity of written instruments-my has been in complete hostility with the proand as forgery is a crime which necessarily includes found views developed in this valuable report--and much turpitude of heart, and is attended with seri- the United States now pay a heavy forfeit for the ous evils to society, I have uniformly declined par- error of neglecting its sage counsels. doning any of that class of offenders.—I have granted pardons but in a few cases; and those only to sonvicts who were insane, or approached a state of

There are circumstances attending it, which entitle it to most peculiar attention. Mr. Hamilton's habits and associations lay among the commercial

part of the community, of which the great mass ac-[ "In every country (say those who entertain corded with him in politics, and regarded him as them) agriculture is the most beneñcial and productheir grand leader. The politics of the majority of tive object of human industry. This position, gethe manufacturing interest were hostile to his.nerally, if not universally true, applies with pecuThere was a strong jealousy between them. Had he, liar emphasis to the United States, on account of therefore, been unfriendly to manufactures, in order their immense tracts of fertile territory, uninhabitto foster and protect commerce, (according to theed and unimproved. Nothing can afford so advan narrow views entertained by many of our citizens tageous an employment for capital and labor, as the of the fancied hostility between their interests) his conversion of this extensive wilderness into cultivatpolitics might be suspected of producing an undue ed farms. Nothing equally with this, can contri bias on his mind, and warping him to support an er-bute to the population, strength and real riches of roneous system. the country.

But when, in oppositition to the dictates of his "To endeavor, by the extraordinary patronage of politics, he appeared the strenuous advocate of government to accelerate the growth of manufacmanufactures, as the grand means of promoting the tures, is, in fact, to endeavor by force and art to happiness, the power, the greatness and indepen- transfer the natural current of industry, from a more dence of his country, it behoves those, who, in point to a less beneficial channel. Whatever has such a of mind, are no more to compare with Hamilton, tendency must necessarily be unwise: indeed it can than a dwarf with the man of Gath," to weigh well hardly ever be wise in a government, to attempt to the ground of their opinions, and once for all con- give a direction to the industry of its citizens. This, sider, whether they will continue the disciples of under the quick sighted guidance of private inteAdam Smith, to the utter rejection of whose theory rest, will, if left to itself, infallibly find its own way in all its parts, his own country owes her collossal to the most profitable employment; and it is by such power-or of lexander Hamilton, advocating that employment, that the public prosperity will be system which has never failed to insure the prospe- most effectually promoted. To leave industry to rity and happiness of every nation, ancient or mo- itself, therefore, is in almost every case, the sound. dern, that has pursued it that is, the protection of est as well as the simplest policy. national industry-in other words, whether they "This policy is not only recommended to the will continue to lead their country on "the road to United States, by considerations which affect all naTuin," under the banners of dam Smith, or take tions; it is, in a manner dictated to them by the im the road to true independence under those of Alex-perious force of a very peculiar situation. The ander Hamilton. Light and darkness are not more smallness of their population, compared with their opposite to each other, than Adam Smith and Alex-territory-the constant allurements to emigration ander Hamilton on this point of political economy, so essential to insure the wealth of nations." On the decision of this great question depend the future destinies, not only of this country, but a large portion of mankind, whose fortunes cannot fail to be affected by the result of our experiment of free government. We therefore solemnly invoke the aid and co-operation of the wise and good of every section of the union in the discussion of this all important topic.

from the settled to the unsettled parts of the country--the facility with which the less independent condition of an artisan can be exchanged for the more independent condition of a farmer-these, and similar causes conspire to produce, and for a length of time, must continue to occasion, a scarcity of hands for manufacturing occupations, and dearness of labor, generally. To these disadvantages for the prosecution of manufactures a deficiency of a pecuniary capital being added, the prospect of a successmust be regarded as little less than desperate. Exful competition with the manufacturers of Europe,

Extrac's from the report of Alexander Hamilton, esq. secretary of the treasury, January, 1790.* The expe iency of encouraging manufactures intensive manufactures can only be the offspring of a the United States, which was not long since deem-redundant, at least of a full population, Till the ed very questionable, appears at this time to be latter shall characterize the situation of this country, 'tis vain to hope for the former. pretty generally admitted. The embarrassments which have obstructed the progress of our external "If, contrary to the natural course of things, an trade, have led to serious reflections on the neces- unreasonable and premature spring can be given to sity of enlarging the sphere of our domestic com- certain fabrics, by heavy duties, prohibitions, bounmerce: the restrictive regulations, which in foreign ties, or by other forced expedients; this will only markets abridge the vent of the increasing surplus he to sacrifice the interests of the community to of our agricultural produce, serve to beget an earn- those of particular classes. Besides the misdirecest csire, that a more extensive demand for that tion of labor, a virtual monopoly will be given to the surplus may be created at home. And the com- persons employed on such fabrics; and an enhanceplete success which has rewarded manufacturing ment of price, the inevitable consequence of every enterprise, in some valuable branches conspiring monopoly, must be defrayed at the expense of the with the promising symptoms which attend some other parts of the society. It is far preferable, that less mature essays in others, justify a hope, that the those persons should be engaged in the cultivation obstacles to the growth of this species of industry, of the earth, and that we should procure in exare less formidable than they were apprehended to change for its productions, the commodities with be; and that it is not difficult to find in its further ex- which foreigners are able to supply us in greater tension, a full indemnification for any external disad-perfection and upon better terms." vantages, which are, or may be experienced, as well as an accession of resources favorable to national independence and safety.

There sull are, nevertheless, respectable patrons of opinions, unfriendly to the encouragement of manufactures. The following are, substantially, the arguments by which these opinions are defended:

For the report at length, see Weekly Register, Vol. V.]

This mode of reasoning is founded upon facts and principles, which have certainly respectable pretensions. If it had governed the conduct of nations more generally than it has done, there is room to suppose that it might have carried them faster to prosperity and greatness, than they have attained by the pursuit of maxims too widely opposite. Most general theories, however, admit of numerous exceptions; and there are few, if any, of the political