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tion of manacles-a rope-a figure of Britannia swallowing human beings; and a prison window with twelve heads looking through the bars. On the right are these words "Bank restriction," under which is a gallows, on the supporters of which are written "Bank Post with eight men and three wo. men hanging. Over their heads are written, "I promise to perform No.-ad lib. during the issue of bank notes easily imitated, and until the resumption of cash payments or the abolition of the punishment of death." The note is signed "For the governor and company of the bank of England. J. Ketch."

Franklin Guzetle.

Kentucky. The people of this state are reaping the full harvest of misery," by reason of their banks, which we mournfully predicted a long time ago. "Warrants, writs and executions" are becoming almost as common as bank notes were! There will

be no peace for the people until the quantity of the
banks are reduced, and those that may remain are
compelled to recollect that they cannot do what they
please. The paper age must pass away, and specu-
lation must fail. At present, the command of what
passes for money is not in those who hold property,
but in such as are directors of banks, or who hold
shares in them. Real wealth has little to do with
the circulation of money, at this time, because the
priests of Mammon want it for-themselves.
allude chiefly, to the modern money-shops. Many
of the old banks are yet highly honorable and emi-
nently useful institutions.

We

At the same time, the bank of England has re duced its circulation from thirty six millions sterling, to twenty seven, that is, they have called in about forty millions of dollars. It is natural to suppose that private bankers have at the same time been compelled to call in about the same amount. These two causes account fully for the great scarcity of money in England, France and Holland and for the fall of prices and the want of purchasers for every article,

The extent to which this depression will go is as yet unascertained-nor is it in the power of any body to foresee it.—Boston Weekly Report.

A London paper of March 28, says-The Gazette of last night contains a list of thirty bankrupts; some of the houses have been established near a century, which is a melancholy proof of the present state of trade and commerce." The same paper observes that the stocks have fallen one and a half per cent. in consequence of the news of the cession of the Floridas.

American Manufactures.

At a meeting of a number of the citizens of Bal, timore, held at the Merchants' coffee-house, pursuant to a public notice, on Tuesday evening the 23d Feb. 1819:

Col. Jas MosuEn was called to the chair, and LEO'D MATTHEWS appointed secretary.

Resolved unanimously, That it is expedient to establish a society for the encouragement of American Manufactures and Domestic Economy.

The following was proposed as the constitution of the society, and adopted unanimously:

CONSTITUTION of the MARYLAND ASSOCIATION for the encouragement of AMERICAN MANUFACTURES and DOMESTIC ECONOMY.

In Virginia. We understand that the office of the bank of the U. States, in this city, not only refuses to receive the notes of the other offices of that bank, (as has been long known to the public) but also refuses the notes of the branches of the Virginia state banks in every case, and even in certain cases the notes of the mother bank, except in payment of debts. Article 1.-This society shall bear the name and It is understood that this measure has been adopted to prevent its notes from being drawn out for the style of "THE MARYLAND ECONOMICAL ASSOCIATION," Article 2.-Each person, on becoming a mempurpose of remittances to the northern towns, where they are worth rather more than the notes of the ber of this society, shalt subscribe the constitution state banks, in consequence of being taken in pay-thercof, and thereby pledge himself to promote the ment of custom house bonds; and that this measure objects for which it is established, by giving a preis put in force in those cases only where this inten-ference to American manufactures in all cases where tion of money changing is detected in the transac-they may be used or consumed consistently with

tion.*

true economy.

Article 4.-The affairs of the society shall be ma naged by a president, treasurer, secretary, and six directors, who shall constitute a board of nine di

The two state banks have also been compelled to Article 3.--All residents of the U. States may be refuse the notes of their own branches, except income members of this association, on paying one dol the payment of debts.---This is intended to prevent ar at the time of subscribing the constitution, and the accumulation of balances against them on the one dollar annually thereafter. part of the office of the United States bank, inasmuch as it will prevent persons Holding branch notes from depositing them, and then giving checks in favor of that office. In other words, those who have branch notes, and have no payments to make in the mother banks, will have to resort to the branches, instead of depositing them in the mother bank, as Richmond Enquirer. heretofore.

rectors.

Article 5. In the absence of the president, the attending members shall nave power to appoint a president pro tem. The president, or any two directors, shall have power to call a special meeting Bad times. The great European houses having of the board, and a majority from time to time may agreed to loan the French government eighty mil-fill up ang vacancies that may occur. lions of dollars, have found themselves hard pressed: and in taking care of themselves, they crush every body else.

Article 6.-The directors, or a majority of them, shall organize their own board, form rules and bylaws for its government; and generally do all matters and things which they may conceive will pro

*We consider "money changing” as lawful a bu-mote the objects of the society. siness as money-making. Bank notes are as legally Article 7.———here shall be an annual meeting ou things of merchandize as bales of old rags, imported the 4th Tuesday in February, for the choice of a from Italy, or collected throughout our own coun-president, treasurer, secretary, and six directors, try, and the value of each depends upon the fa- and for the transaction of such other business as may cility with which the commodity may be converted come before them. into gold and silver, or something that answers all the purposes of those metals.

ED. REG.

Article 8.--There shall be four general stated meetings of Che society in each year, to wit: On the

4th Tuesday of February, April, October and December.

National Interests.

domestic industry, to the citizens of the United States. No. IV.

Resolved, That the meeting now proceed to the Address of the Philadelphia society for the promotion of ghoice of officers, agreeably to the constitution; when the following citizens were duly elected to the offices annexed to their names:

William Patterson, President,
Isaac Burneston, Treasurer,
Leonard Matthews, Secretary,
James Mosher,
N. F. Williams,

Alex. M'Kim,

A. J. Schwartze,
John Hillen,
Luke Tiernan,

Directors.

Resolved, That the officers of this society be re...quested to prepare an address to the public, setting forth the objects thereof.

Resolved, "That the proceedings be signed by the chairman and secretary, and published in all the newspapers in this city.

Resolved, That the meeting adjourn to the fourth Tuesday in April.

JAMES MOSHER, Chairman.

L. MATTHEWS, Secretary.

Philadelphia, April 26th, 1819. We have presented to your view, fellow-citizens, a cursory sketch of the admirable and benéficent policy of Great Britain,* on the all-important and vital point of fostering and protecting domestic industry-a policy, we repeat, and wish steadily borne in mind, in direct hostility with the doctrines of Adam Smith, which number among their supporters so large a portion of our citizens.

We now request your attention to the policy of a mighty empire, whose situation bears considerable analogy to that of this country.

Russia, like the United States, possesses territories of most immoderate extent, which are very slenderly peopled. The cultivation of her vacant lands, according to the captivating and plausible ment for all her inhabitants. And as other nations, theories of many of our citizens, might find employif "freedom of trade were restored," according to Adam Smith, "could furnish her with commodities cheaper than she could manufacture them," she ought to open her ports to the merchandise of all the world.

policy, she has too much good sense to adopt a maxBut, low as we fastidiously and unjustly rate her im, so pernicious in its results, although so plausible in its appearance. And let us add, its plausibility is only in appearance. It vanishes on even a cursory

In offering the constitution of the "Maryland Economical Association" to the consideration of the public, it is requisite to say, that its provisions, although patriotic, do not ask a sacrifice of private interest to public welfare; this is secondary, and individual emolument the first object of the as-examination. sociation.

nufactures.

Necessity is the source of exertion; it has proved of fostering and protecting domestic industry, and Russia completely fulfils the indispensable duty so in nations as well as individuals who have be-guarding it against the destructive consequences of nefitted by it. The excess of population which can- overwhelming foreign competition. This is the not be usefully employed in the tillage of the soil, great platform of her political system, as it ought to necessarily creates manufacturers. If England, a be of all political systems: and it is painful to state, century since, had not been compelled by necessity that so far as respects this cardinal point, she is at to invite the distressed of other nations, her policy least a century in advance of the U. States. She is might, and either must, have placed her in the ad- not satisfied with the imposition of heavy duties for vantageous situation she now enjoys as to her ma- the purpose of raising a revenue, which, with too We have lived to see that necessity among our only object worthy of consideration in the formamany statesmen, appears to be the chief, if not the selves; already we are tributary to all the nations of tion of a tariff. No. the earth; already do we see the period approach, of confiscation, nearly all the articles with which her She prohibits, under penalty when, if we continue in the road which we have so far pursued, we shall be ruined; a fate doomed to a rors, so powerfully felt in other countries, of giving own subjects can supply her, unaffected by the terpeople who voluntarily abandon their own resources to the avidity of foreign nations. And can we hesitate a monopoly of the home market to her own people to profit by the experience of ages? Can we refrain one hundred millions of dollars since the war-ter-terrors which have probably cost the United States from using the means which nature has so plentiful-rors which the profound and sage maxim of Alexanly placed within, our reach? Shall we go for our der Hamilton, quoted in our last number, ought to clothing to foreign countries, when we have the raw materials of the very best quality within ourselves? ago, never to rise again to impair the prosperity of have laid in the grave of oblivion nearly thirty years -Shall we send them to Europe, to have them re-the nation, or the happiness of its citizens. turned again, under great additional charges, which we may save? Or have we not skilful workmen, to convert these very materials into the desired and desirable fabrics? Surely this ought not to be the case. Repeatedly has it been demonstrated that our cotton and woolen manufactures may vie with any foreign fabrics, and at prices, too, much lower the prosperity of England resulting from her pro*Objections have been made to our statement of than those imported, of equal quality. To encou-tection of domestic industry. Those objections are rage, then, these home manufactures, is the chief grounded on the oppression she has exercised on, aim of the association; and, with these views, we re-and the abject state of, some of her dependencies. spectfully call on our fellow-citizens for their support and good example.

Those who first recommended the association, will be called on in a few days, by Mr. Emmerson, for their signatures, as well as such other citizens as may think proper to become members.

WM. PATTERSON, President.

L. MATTHEWS, Secretary.

tion, and cannot fail to surprise the citizens of a The annexed list deserves the most pointed attencountry, where unfortunately nothing is prohibited, how great soever the domestic supply, and where

This, we apprehend, does not in the least militate. ble facts, that the protection of domestic industry in with our view, which went to prove, from indisputathe island of Great Britain, had there produced as great a mass of wealth and prosperity as had ever existed. Her wars, which greatly impair that prosperity, and her treatment of her dependencies, have not the most remote connexion with our theory

An appalling reflection arises from the view here

there are hardly any duties deserving the name of
prohibitory, and very few affording adequate pro-given of the policy of Russia; a reflection which we
tection.

Articles absolutely prohibited to be imported into Rus

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sia,

minds.

would willingly suppress, but which, fellow citizens, justice to the subject forces us to present to your We are imperiously led to offer it from a conviction, that to induce a patient to submit to mefashions in general Powder boxes of all dicine or regimen, it is necessary that he should be Fur caps of every

Female dresses and Plates

ex- kind

cept belonging to Forte pianos

travellers

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Fans

Fishing nets
Fringes of all kinds

Biscuit of every kind Fire engines

Busts

Buttons

Bas reliefs

Brushes

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Fine black cloth, and
coarse cloth of all
colors

Fire pumps of all
kinds

Groupes of figures
Girandoles
Glasses for pictures
Girdles and sashes
Grain spirits of every

kind

Gin

Galloons
Gayters
Garters of all kinds
Glass, crystal, and o-
ther lanterns
Gold, silver lace, silk,
thread, woolen, ca-
mels hair and cot
ton laces
Gunpowder
Gold or silver plate
Glass ware

Glue
Galoon
Gilded metals and
spangles
Grape wines infused
in cherries, pears
or other fruits
Hydromel
Hats of every kind
Hair for making wigs
Harpsichords

Horse harness of eve-
ry kind
Housings
Honey
Horn combs
Hair powder

Horns of elks and

stags
Hinges, and other ar
ticles of iron ware

Clothes-brushes made
of dog-grass and
rushes
Crystals and glasses
for lustres and gi. Indigo
randoles

Ink and ink powder
Chequers, trictracks, Inkstands of all kinds
and every other Isinglass
kind of articles for Jewelry

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Lustres

Linen of all kinds
Lamp wicks

Looking glasses
Locks of all kinds
Lime

Lace and thread em.
broidered with
gold
Linen, muslin and
silk handkerchiefs
Macaroni,
Mushrooms
Marks of distinction
Muslins
Mustard
Meat of every kind,
smoked, dried or
salted
Muffs
Mittens
Metal plates (for
chimney backs)

Night caps
Nails of all kinds
Pins
Playing cards
Pewter milled and

made into vessels
Pieces of iron not
beaten out nor
wrought

sorts.
Paper
Parchment
Pewter

Pipes of all sorts
Pomatum
Pocket books of all
kinds

Pots

Pewter and pewter
vessels
Paper hangings
Plated metal

Quills
Rape oil

Ribands of order
Rum, till January

1819
Ribaads
Shippers
Spangles and links
Sealing wax
Spurs

Silks and satins
Statues
Sinall shot
Stove pipes of all

sorts

Sword belts of all sorts
Straw and rush mats
Sword, sabre and

poignard handles
Saltpetre
Sausages
Soap
Shoes of all sorts
Shot
Silver lace, wire,

hooks and eyes

Stuffs enriched with
images of saints

Stills
Tobacco
Tobacco boxes
Tea of every kind
Teapots
Tea tables
Tinsel

Thimbles of all kinds

Tinsel beat out flat
Tables
Trunks of every
kind
Thread, down, cha
mois, or silk stock
ings
Tinselled lace
Tinselled edgings
red and white
Thread lace gilded,
plated and tinsel
led
Urns
Utensils fabricated
in large founderies
Velveted and tin

selled, and all kinds
of tapestry
Vessels of crystal
Vinegar
Vermicelli
Vases
White-smith's work
Wooden furniture
Wax candles
Woolen cloths and
frizes of all kinds
Walking canes and
sticks

Wax, white and yel

low Wadding Wafers

Woolen or silk cover-
lids
Woolen, thread or
cotton gloves.

Tariff des droits dedouane de L'empire Russe, 1816, p. 79–99.

convinced of the existence of his disease. And in
the present disordered state of our manufactures,
trade and commerce, it is absolutely necessary to
"hold the mirror up to nature," and "nought exte-
nuate, nor aught set down in malice."

The United States, as is admitted by writers of
various nations, enjoy the best form of government
in the world. It would therefore be natural to pre-
sume, that with such a government, and with a re-
presentation, probably as freely and as fairly chosen
as any legislative body in any age or country, the
solid interests of its various descriptions of citizens
would be more scrupulously guarded than those of
any other nation. Yet we have before us the most
cogent and the most irresistible proof of the extreme
fallacy of such a presumption, so far as regards the
large and important class of citizens engaged in
manufactures, on whose success and prosperity so
much of the strength and resources of nations de-
pends. This description of citizens must look with

We

*It is common, we apprehend, for some of the farmers and planters of the southern states, to re gard with disesteem, or, to use a common phrase, to look down on manufacturers as beneath them in To this source may probapoint of respectability. bly be ascribed the inflexible refusal of that protection which was so earnestly solicited for the manufacturing interest throughout the union. It is hardly possible to conceive of a greater absurdity. touch this delicate subject freely. We, however, mean no offence, and hope none will be taken. Our object, we trust, will be regarded by liberal minded men as not only innocent, but laudable. It is to correct a deep rooted and pernicious preju dice, which tends to produce jealousy and alienation between the different members of one family, who ought to cherish for each other kindly sentiments of regard and good will, and who are so closely connected in point of interest, that it is impossible for one to suffer heavily, without the others being deeply affected. We freely ask, and request a candid reply, can there in the eye of reason and common sense be found on the most impartial scrutiny any superiority in a South Carolina or Virginia planter, surrounded by five hundred negro slaves, over a proprietor of one of the extensive factories in Rhode Island, in which an equal number of free, independent, and happy workmen, with their wives As our object is conand children, are employed? ciliation, we forbear to assert any superiority on the other side. But in order to afford a fair opportunity of deciding this important question of the merits, demerits and usefulness of the different descriptions of citizens, we state some important facts which bear forcibly on this subject. In the year 1815, there were within thirty miles of the town of Providence

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envy at the paternal and fostering care bestowed on persons of the same class by the emperor of Russia, one of the most despotic monarchs of Christendom. The contrast is immense, striking, and decisive.It reflects honor on the profound wisdom and sound policy of that prince-and, fellow citizens, cannot ful to excite painful sensations in your minds, to reflect how the United States sink on the comparison. This is a most impressive point, and evinces how short sighted mankind are. It could never have entered into the mind of Hancock, Adams, Franklin, Washington, or any of those illustrious men, who in the field or cabinet achieved the independence of this country, that before the lapse of half a century, American citizens should be forced to make invidious comparisons between their own siquation and that of the subjects of a despotic empire; and that the protection denied to their industry is liberally afforded to the subjects of Russia.

a policy long scouted out of all the wise nations of Europe, and which now only lingers in, and blights and blasts the happiness of Spain and Portugal.

The subject is too important not to warrant us in casting another slight glance at it, and placing the policy of the United states and that of Russia in stronger contrast.

Russia raises no cotton. All her supplies are derived from remote quarters, and yet she prohibits the importation of cotton fabrics, of every descriptio, except ca nbrics, from all nations what ever, friends and foes alike, in order to foster a manufacture which does not appear congenial to her.

The United States are peculiarly fitted for the cotton manufacture, being capable of raising the raw material, as we have already stated, in quantities commensurate with the demand of the whole world. And yet cotton goods of every descripIn order to render this extraordinary and almost tion (except those below twenty-five cents per incredible fact more striking, we shall, fellow citi-yard, which are dutied as at twenty-five cents) are zens, compare the situation of a subject of Russia freely admitted at the very inefficient duty of twenand a citizen of the United States, engaged, for in- ty-seven and a half per cent. in consequence of stance, in the cotton manufacture. which, great numbers of the most promising establishments have been destroyed. The raw material is transported across the Atlantic, 3000 miles, at twenty to thirty-five cents per pound, and returned to us at the rate of from one dollar to five dollars-thus fostering the industry and the manufacturers of Europe, and consigning our own works◄ men to poverty, and often to mendicity-their employers to the long list of bankrupts which are daily increasing in our towns and cities—and impoverishing the nation. On this system and its consequences we shall descant more at large on a f- ture occasion. For the present we shall barely state that the policy of England during the dark ages of Edward ill. and Henry IV. as sketched in our last number, was far superior to ours.

The former, we will suppose, embarks $50,000 in that business. He has no competition to dread but that of his fellow subjects. His paternal government closes the door against his destruction, by shutting out all interference from any other nation. He has a large and beneficial market, and in consequence enriches himself, and adds to the wealth, the strength, the power and the resources of his country.

What a chilling contrast when we regard the situation of the American engaged in the same useful line of business. When he has expended his capital, established his works, and entertains what he has grond to deem a reasonable hope of success, and of that reward to which honest industry has so fair a claim, the market, on the supply of which he formed all his calculations, is deluged with rival articles, manufactured in Europe of cotton raised in his own country, or by Hindoos, at a distance of ten thousand miles, which can be afforded at lower prices than his, and which accordingly destroys his chances of sale. He cast an imploring eye to his representatives for the same kind of relief which England, France, and Russia afford their subjects and the refusal of which is a manifest dereliction of duty. His representatives, acting on the maxims of Adam Smith, and disregarding the admonitory lessons of those mighty nations, meet him with a positive refusal; and he sinks a victim of

We may demand whether, throughout the world, there is to be found any equal space devoted wholly to agriculture, which furnishes employment to one fourth part of the number of individuals, or produces one-fourth of the amounts of wealth or happi

ness?

We trust that this brief view will serve to remove the film from the eyes of those citizens who, for want of due consideration, have cherished opinions on the subject of manufactures, and manufacturers, so diametrically opposite to the truth, and so pregnant with ruinous consequences.

"Honor or shame from no condition rise, "Act well your part: there all the honor lies." And the manufacturer of cottons, woolens, watches, paper, books, hats or shoes, who "acts well his part" has no reason to shrink, and we trust he never will shrink, from a comparison with any of his fellow men, whether merchants, farmers, planters or men of overgrown wealth.

At the close of the war, powerful and eloquent memorials were presented to congress from the cotton manufacturers of Rhode Island, New York, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, New London, and various other parts of the United States, in which they implored the aid of government, in the most respectful terms. To narrow the range of objection, they bounded their requests generally to a prohibition of cotton manufactures, except nankeens, from the East Indies, and to such an increase of duties on those from other quarters, as would save the revenue from injury by the prohibition.-The memorials were filled with predictions of the ruinous consequences that would result from the contrary policy. Their simple request, enforced by a most luminous train of reasoning, was unhappily rejected: and it is almost demonstrable, that to this rejection a large portion of the difficulties and embarrassments which at present overspread the face of the country may be ascribed. All the gloomy predictions of the memorials have unfortunately become history.

A consideration of the rejection of the first pray. er of the memorials, which respects the prohibition of East India cottons, is calculated to excite an equal degree of regret and astonishment. The East India trade, during the continuance of the wars in Europe, when we had markets in that quarter and in some of the colonies of the belligerents, for the surplus of our importations from beyond the Cape of Good Hope, was probably advantageous, or at least not injurious. But as at present carried on, it is highly pernicious, by the exhausting drain of specie it creates. On this strong ground, and more over as the coarse fabrics from that quarter, as

stated in the memorials, are made of inferior materials, and as we possess a boundless capacity of supply, every principal of sound policy, regard for the vital interests of our country, as well as the paramount claim on them from so useful a body of citizens, for protection, ought to have insured compliance with the request. To all these considerations no attention was paid.

1

Policy of Federick II. of Prussia.

From the view which we have given of the policy of Russia, we invite attention to that of Frederick II. Of his integrity and his regard for the rights of his neighbors, there may be more than doubis entertained. But on his profound wisdom and sagacity as a statesman the world is agreed. A dissenting voice is no where heard. On these points he would stand comparison with any monarch of ancient or modern times, and would rise paramount over ninety-nine out of a hundred. His system of political economy is therefore worthy of the most serious consideration, and cannot fail to shed strong light on the important subject we are discussing.

needy artists and manufacturers, to enable them to establish their various branches of business. He purchased large quantities of raw materials and filled magazine with them to be sold at reasonable rates. He offered and gave liberal rewards to artists and manufacturers for excellence in their various branches. He moreover exempted them in various places from military service.† În aword, he devoted all the powers of his great mind, and made most liberal drafts on his treasury for the accomplish. ment of this mighty object, which has attracted so small a share of attention in this country from those whose peculiar duty it was to promote its success.

Here the calm and candid observer, who casts his eye on the system of Frederick, and contrasts it with that of the United States, cannot fail to feel the same degree of mortification and deep regret, that the contrast with that of Russia produced. He will behold on the one side a grand, liberal, and magnanimous policy, which disregarded expense in sowing prolific seed, that sprouted forth abundantly, and repaid the cultivator tenfold, nay, a hundred To the promotion of the industry of his subjects, fold. Loans, bounties, premiums and important he bestowed the most unremitting attention, well immunities, as we have stated, were freely and li- knowing that it was the most certain means of in-berally awarded. creasing the population of his dominions, and of In the United States the seed was sown by indicourse the wealth and happiness of his subjects, as vidual exertion and enterprise. It required but litwell as his own power. From this grand and para- tle care to foster and make it strike deep root. mount object he was never a moment diverted by There was no demand of loans-of bounties-of prehis ambitious wars; and notwithstanding the desola- miums-or of immunities. All that was asked-all zion they caused, he doubled the population of his that was necessary, was mere protection from fopaternal estates during his reign. To foster and reign interference-a protection that would have protect arts and manufactures, he spared neither cost the government nothing, and would have enpains nor expense;* and was so completely success-riched the nation. It was fatally withheld, and a ful that he not only doubled and trebled the num-large portion of the seed so plentifully sown and so ber of artists and manufacturers in those branches promising of a fertile harvest, has perished! and already established, but introduced a great variety Formerly not practised by his subjects; and thus, instead of being tributary to other nations, as she had formerly been, Prussia was enabled to export her manufactures to an immense extent to distant countries.t

those who withheld, as well as those who besought, the protection, are now in common, suffering the most serious injury from that mistaken policy.

*If the king has greatly increased population by his encouragement of agriculture, he has advanc. The measures he adopted for attaining theseed it as much, and perhaps more, by the great number great ends, were worthy of the high character he enjoys as a statesman. He made large loans to

* «The king protects and encourages manufacturers in every possible manner, especially by advancing large sums of money to assist them in carrying on their manufactures, animating them by rewards, and establishing magazines of wool in all the little towns, for the benefit of the small woolen manufacturers."--Hertzberg's discourses delivered at Berlin, 1786, p. 25.

"Before the commencement of this reign, Prussia had but few silk manufacturers, and those of little importance. But the present king has established and given liberal encouragement to so great a number, that they employ more than five thousand workmen; and the annual value of the goods manufactured by them is two millions of crowns. In the course of the last year 1,200,250 ells of silk stuffs have been manufactured at Berlin, and 400,000 of gauze." Idem 26. "The cotton manufacture alone employs nearly five thousand workmen."-Idem 25.

of manufactures and trades of all kinds, which he has caused to be established, or to which he has given encouragement at Berlin, at Potsdam, and in almost every city and town in his dominions."—Hertzberg, 23.

"It is with a view to encourage trade that the inhabitants of Berlin and Potsdam are exempted from military service; and his majesty grants nearly the same indulgence to the inhabitants of the circles of the mountains of Silesia, where the poor, but industrious and sober weavers, and who are settled in a narrow and barren district, carry on those flourishing linen manufactures, which produce us an exportation of so many millions; and to the little city of Hirchberg only, a trade of two millions of crowns annually The king has in this district a canton for his foot-guards, but from his unwillingness to disturb the population of the district, he seldom draws from thence any recruits."-Idem 25.

"As national industry forms the second basis of the felicity and power of a state, I shall endeavor to prove here, in a summary manner, that the Prussian "We are in possession of almost every possible monarchy possesses it in an eminent degree; and, kind of manufacture; and we can, not only exclusive- perhaps, immediately after France, England, and ly supply the Prussian dominions, but also furnish the Holland; those powers which, for two centuries, remote countries of Spain and Italy with linen and have had the almost exclusive monopoly of manufac woolen cloths; and our manufactures go even to China, tures, of commerce, and of navigation; of which the where some of our Silesian cloths are conveyed by the Prussians have had no part, but since the close of the way of Russia. We export every year linen cloth last century, and the beginning of the present. This to the amount of SIX MILLIONS OF CHowNs, and wool- is not the place to make an exact and general table en cloths and wool to the amount of FOUR MILLIONS."; of the Prussian manufactures: I shall, therefore, con--Idem 23. fine myself to giving a general idea, and some parti

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