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ous interests in this House—to the South and Southwest– and particularly to those members whom he denominated the conservatives on this floor, and invited them most earmestly to come and do battle with him on this field, against this measure. Whether he intended to include me among the members of this latter class, I cannot say ; but, at all events, I beg leave most respectfully to decline his invitation altogether. I cannot do battle in any such cause, or in such ranks. But the honorable gentleman says he does not understand the course of the administration party in this House; that he is mystified as to the conduct of a certain portion of the party which he denominates the conservatives; that, on all subjects, they go with the administration, and are uniformly arrayed on this floor in favor of the measures of the administration; that he does not know what to make of it, and he inquires, very significantly, whether they have made peace, and what are the terms; and asks to see the bond of compromise, or to be told what is to be the future course of those whom he calls conservatives. Now, sir, I shall not affect to misunderstand this, or doubt whether I was one of those members to whom these queries were addressed. I was one of thcse who voted for Thomas Allen as printer to this House, and neither then nor now, here or elsewhere, have attempted to conceal my vote on that occasion. My reasons for that vote, I am not now called upon to give; this is not the time or the occasion for that, sir; but the fact, perhaps, furnishes a sufficient reason of itself, why I may conclude that the honorable gentleman addresses himself, in part at least, to me. Neither, sir, will I affect to misunderstand the ultimate object of the gentleman's inquiries, and I beg to carry out those queries, and give them the point to which the whole seemed to tend—to arrive at once to the gist of the matter, which the delicacy of the gentleman, and perhaps his disposition to avoid bluntness, induced him to suppress—and which was no more or less than asking myself and others, “do you intend to act with the opposition will you throw yourselves into the arms of the whigs 3" I answer, no! and I thank the gentleman for the opportunity he has afforded me, of answering this question thus unequivocally and unreservedly in the negative. To my friends, no such answer was necessary; but if he, or any other member of the opposition, has supposed from that vote that any such expectation could he fairly entertained, I now take this occasion to put a final extinguisher upon any such supposition or expectation. 1 speak without authority as to others, and only for myself; but I feel persuaded that I do but speak the well-known sentiments of those members of the New York delegation, whom the honorable gentlemen calls conservatives, or who voted for Mr. Allen, when I say that there are no truer friends of the present Executive on this floor than they are, and none less likely to abandon their principles or their party. They were elected as the friends of the present administration, and I have no doubt will sustain it in all honor and good faith. For myself, at least, I can say that I shall do so. And though I did differ, on the occasion above alluded to, in the choice of a printer, with some of my political friends,

and may perhaps again have occasion to differ with some,

of them on unimportant or unessential points, or questions of expediency merely, not involving any political principle and not touching the sundamental principles of the democratic party, yet I feel confident that I am surrounded here by political friends, who are too inagnanimous, and who have too high a respect for personal independence and freedom of opinion, to look upon every difference of opinion as a difference of principle; who do not consider that party faith means party servility; and who will respect honest differences of opinion, and not, as a test of party faith or political integrity, exact a blind and slavish obedience to every whim or project which any or every member

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of the party may bring forward. I stand here, sir, as the representative of a free constituency, to act as becomes a freeman, and to represent my constituents faithfully, so far as I am able to do it. I was elected as a friend of the administration, and by its friends; and while I have the honor of a seat here, it will be no less my inclination than my duty, to give to this administration that honorable and hearty support, which, from these circumstances, may be justly expected of me, and which shall be alike consistent with patriotism and principle, and a conscientious discharge of duty. But, sir, the honorable gentleman from Tennessee asks, what are the terms of compromise between the members of the democratic party on this floor what is the bond of union —as though some contract had been drawn up and entered into between the friends of the administration, by which they were enabled to act in concert and harmony in the House; and one could suppose that he expected to see some written instrument, perhaps, with the great seal of state appended to it. I can assure the gentleman that there is no such document in existence, to my knowledge ; but should there be, he shall certainly be gratified with a perusal of it. But there is a bond of union, sir, between the friends of the administration, much stronger and more powerful than any such written instrument; and that bond of union, sir, is the political principles which we hold in common ; those principles which were characteristic of the last and present administration; which were promulgated by Thomas Jefferson ; which from his day to this time have distinguished the democratic republicans from their opponents, of whatever name or description, and have been sanctioned by the voice of the people, and by the dictates of justice and reason. This is the bond of union between the friends of the administration; and this it is that enables them to act unitedly ; and this, sir, is the reason why the honorable gentlemen see such a uniform array on the floor of this House in favor of the administration's measures; and why he will continue to see the same thing so long as those measures are in accordance with those principles, and while they tend (as they necessarily must, when in accordance with those principles) to the welfare of the country, and the permanency of the Union. I trust the mystery is explained, and that the honorable gentleman will, hereafter, have no difficulty in comprehending the course of the friends of the administration, and the reason for their acting in concert. I hope, Mr. Speaker, that the motion to strike out the enacting clause will not prevail; but that this bill, as well as the other one now before this House, which I have before alluded to, will pass; and that thereby the most essential and immediate relief will be afforded, (as I verily believe it will,) not only to an almost exhausted Treasury, but more especially to the people generally, whose patience, I fear, is as nearly exhausted as the public Treasury, and who are anxiously looking (and I trust not in vain) for such relief as it is in the power of Congress to afford, and such as we can consistently grant, and which the exigency of the times so imperiously demands. Mr. HALSTED, of New Jersey, next rose, and had proceeded but a little time in reply to Mr. Bhonson, when the hour arrived for the recess.

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Oct. 7, 1837.]

give to the administration the power of issuing Treasury notes, as they evidently had no right so to do. He contended that the language of the Secretary, and the bill itself, indicated that the notes were intended to form a constituent part of the currency, which of itself was a sufficient objection. He also opposed the bill on the ground that it provided no fund for the redemption of such notes, and quoted authorities to show' that Government debts should never be incurred without some specific means being appropriated for their liquidation. It was likewise his opinion that the issue of Treasury notes would prevent the banks resuming specie payment. He could not vote for the bill, because it would lay the foundation of a Treasury bank, and add to the Executive power, so as to enable him to buy up the liberties of the people. Mr. WHITTLESEY hoped the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. Bell] would withdraw his proposition, and that the question would be taken on the bill that night, at least some time before 12 o'clock. Mr. BELI, withdrew his proposed amendment. Mr. RIVES would like the gentleman [Mr. Rhett) to amend further, by making the Treasury notes redeemable twelve months after date, instead of six, as proposed. For his part, he was not willing to pledge the credit of Gov. ernment, unless it had funds to comply with its engagements. If the gentleman would modify his amendment as suggested, he would vote for it. Mr. RHETT accepted the modification. Mr. RIVES said that, when they came there, they were accused by the opposition with having involved the country in difficulty; and, on that account, the opposition had adopted the motto of “hands off,” and would propose nothing themselves, nor co-operate with others in adopting measures of relief. One gentleman [Mr. Bell] had told them that morning that they ought not to do any thing. That gentlem in was a “parliamentarian,” well versed in the rules, and he was accustomed to make use of that skill in order to attain his objects. Indeed, if he had not been misinformed by his friend, had that gentleman (Mr. B.) succeeded in the morning with his amendment to strike out all after the enacting clause, the bill would have been lost; and, by that course, the gentleman would have prevented any relief to the banks or to the nation. It was thus evident that the object was to defeat the bill, without offering any substitute for it. Mr. R. said that, when he came to Congress, he came with the impression that the Government and country were embarrassed; and, divesting himself of all party feeling, he had not stopped to investigate the causes, but was bent on removing the evil. When a house was in flames, the inquiry was, not how it caught fire, but how the fire could be extinguished 2 So, in the present case, all debate as to the probable cause of the present distress was worse than useless. All little differences should be laid aside, and each member act for the public good. He then referred to a letter written by Mr. Jefferson, in 1813, to his son-in-law, then chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, wherein he strongly recommended the issue of Treasury notes, and said they would be more useful if not bearing interest than otherwise; also to an act passed in 1815, and various other acts, authorizing the issue of such notes, without a dissentient voice. He thought, therefore, it was a fair inference that their predecessors had no doubt as to the right given by the constitution for the adoption of such measures, when required by the exigency of Government. He believed the passage of the present bill, whether amend. ed or not, would enable the banks to resume specie payments, and afford relief to the merchants and country at large. Mr. CALHOON, of Kentucky, would vote for the bill, but more willingly if the notes bore interest than otherwise.

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The question was then taken on Mr. Rhett's amendment, which was rejected: Yeas 81, nays 137, as follows: Yr As—Messrs. Bell, Bond, Boon, Brodhead, William B. Campbell, John Campbell, William B. Carter, Chapman, Childs, Claiborne, Cleveland, Clowney, Connor, Crary, Curtis, Dawson, Davee, Dennis, Duncan, Dunn, Elmore, Ewing, James Garland, Rice Garland, Gholson, Glascock, Jas. Graham, William Graham, Graves, Gray, Griffin, Hammond, Harlan, Harper, Hawes, Hawkins, Herod, Holt, Hubley, Ingham, Jenifer, Henry Johnson, William C. Johnson, Legare, Lewis, Lyon, Martin, McClure, Montgomery, M. Morris, C. Morris, Muhlenberg, Murray, Petrikin, Phillips, Pope, Potter, Rariden, Rhett, Richardson, Ridgway, Rives, Russell, Sheffer, Augustine H. Shepperd, Shields, Sheplor, Sibley, Smith, Stone, Thompson, Towns, Wagener, Webster, A. S. White, John White, Elisha Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams, Wise, Yorke—81. NAys—Mcssrs. Adams, Alexander, Heman Allen, J. W. Allen, Anderson, Andrews, Atherton, Aycrigg, Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Biddle, Birdsall, Borden, Briggs, Bronson, Bruyn, Buchanan, Bynum, W. B. Calhoun, J. Calhoon, Cambreleng, T. J. Carter, Casey, Chambers, Chaney, Cheatham, Clark, Coles, Corwin, Craig, Cranston, Crockett, Cushing, Cushman, Darlington, Davies, Deberry, DeGraff, Dromgoole, Ewards, Everett, Farrington, Richard Fletcher, Fillmore, Foster, Fry, Gallup, Goode, Grantland, Grinnell, Haley, Halsted, Harrison, Hastings, Haynes, Henry, Holsey, Hopkins, Howard, W. H. Hunter, R. M. T. Hunter, T. B. Jackson, Jabez Jackson, J. Johnson, John W. Jones, Kemble, Kilgore, Klingensmith, Leadbetter, Lincoln, Logan, A. Loonis, A. W. Loomis, Mallory, Marvin, J. M. Mason, Samson Mason, Maury, McKay, R. McClellan, A. McClellan, McKim, McKennan, Menefee, Mercer, Milligan, Miller, Morgan, S. W. Morris, Naylor, Noble, Noyes, Ogle, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Parmenter, Patterson, Patton, Paynter, Pearce, Peck, Pennybacker, Plumer, Potts, Prenti-s, Reed, Reily, Rencher, Robcrtson, Rumsey, Sawyer, Sergeant, Slade, Snyder, Southgate, Spencer, Stanly, Stewart, Stratton, Taliaferro, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Turney, Underwood, Vail, Vanderveer, Weeks, Thomas T. Whittlesey, Jared W. Williams, Joseph L. Williams, Christopher H. Williams, Worthington, Yell–137. Mr. WISE moved sundry amendments (heretofore indicated) to the bill, which he explained and sustaincid at length. He proposed to strike out the words “as the Secretary may deem expedient,” and to insert instead thereof the words, “as the exigencies of the country may require,” in reference to the amount of Treasury notes to be issued. He was also opposed to the issue of the proposed notes with interest. He was of opinion that there was no neces. sity to issue them at all. Mr. Wisk’s first amendment, to strike out and insert as above, was agreed to. That with regard to the interest proposed was rejected, as were two others in mediately following. Mr. WISE then proposed the following amendment: Provided, That it shall not he lawful for the Secretary of the Treasury, or any disbursing officer of the Government, to pay out or circulate any Treasury note or notes, so long as there remains in the hands of such disbursing officer, or the Treasurer of the United States, any specic or other available funds: And provided, further, That the whole amount, or so much of the five millions of dollars as by law is to remain in the Treasury for contingencies, shall be kept on hand in Treasury notes, until the exigencies of the Government shall render their use or circulation necessary. Upon which he demanded the yeas and nays. Ordered. Mr. MERCER briefly addressed the House, and sug

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gested some modification to the amendment of his colleague, Mr. W is E. Mr. WISE acceded to the proposal to modify his amendment, so that, as modified, it would make it the duty of disbursers to pay out specie first, and then Treasury notes. Mr. CAMBRELENG opposed the amendment as being altogether impracticable. Mr. WISE was willing to modify the amendment so as to make it conformable with the gentleman's notions of practicability; and he did so alter his proposition as to make it incumbent on the disbursing officers to pay specie or other available funds, to the amount called for, if they have it, before issuing the Treasury notes. Mr. CAMBRELENG said his objection was not obviated by this additional clause. Mr. WISE said it probably would not, alter it as he might; and was proceeding with his remaiks, when Mr. CAMBRELENG, sitting immediately behind him, cried out “question " Mr. WISE. “Is the gentleman uncasy " Is he suddenly sick?” The SPEAKER interposed, and Mr. WISE proceeded. He wished to be courteous to every gentleman in that House, and also claimed the same consideration. He then concluded his remarks in support of the pending amendment, calling on all those who were going, simply and singly, to supply the exigencies of the Government, to sustain it. Mr. McKAY said a few words in opposition to the amendment, on the ground of its alleged impracticability. Mr. WISE, on the suggestion of Mr. FullMohr, modificd his proposition still further, so as to except such sums from liability to being paid out by the disbursing officers, as shall be necessary for the supply of the mint. Mr. HOWARD said he would make a remark or two upon this amendment. It proposed to take away all discretion from the Secretary of the Treasury, and compel him to pay specie until the last dollar was expended, before he could issuc a single Treasury note. This discretion ought to exist. Specic was more imperatively requirrd for some expenscs than others. For example, if a vessel of war were about to sail to a foreign station, she must carry some specic with her. Take the case as of the exploring expedition, which, although it was about to go to what the sailors called the “star pole," yet must necessarily touch at civilized ports, and therefore would require no small amount of specie, in order to be prepared for contin. gencies. If the necessary sum was in the Treasury, there would be no power to rescrve it for this purpose, but the first applicant for payment of a demand at the Treasury would sweep it away, and oblige the Secretary of the Navy to postpone the sailing until he could sell Trcasury notes enough to supply the sum wanted. Many other cases of inconvenience might be stated. But further: there was probably no custom-house from Boston to New Orleans in which some specie had not been collected. This was placed to the credit of the Treasurer as soon as received, and was, of course, in thc Treasury. Should the proposed aniendment prevail, thc Secretary would have to ascertain from cvery custom-housc whether there was a dollar there, before he could issue a single Treasury note; and if any amount, however small, was in the hands of any collector, no matter however distant from the place where the expenditure had to be made, the hands of the Secretary would be tied up. The amendment would, in practice, entirely defeat the bill.

Mr. RHETT noved to reconsider the vote of the day before, whereby the auendment of Mr. UN denwood, pro

posing to authorize the sale of the bonds due to the Guvernment from the Bank of the United States, for the supply of the deficiency in thc Treasury, as a substitute for thc issuc of Trcasury notes, had becil rejected; the mover

Treasury Notes.

[Oct. 7, 1837. at the same time giving notice that, if that motion prevailed, he should move for the issue of four and a half millions of Treasury notes, in addition, to make up the amount required for the wants of the Treasury. Some conversation ensuing here as to the strict order of such a motion, pending another, Mr. WISE withdrew his proposition for a time. An unsuccessful motion was then made to adjourn. Mr. CAMBRELENG asked for the yeas and nays on the question of reconsideration. The question upon reconsideration of the vote on Mr. UNDER wood's motion to amend the bill, was then decided as follows: Yh As—Messrs. Adams, Alexander, H. Allen, J. W. Allen, Aycrigg, Bell, Biddle, Bond, Bouldin, Briggs, W. B. Calhoun, J. Calhoon, W. B. Campbell, J. Campbell, W. B. Carter, Chambers, Cheatham, Clowney, Corwin, Cranston, Crockett, Curtis, Cushing, Darlington, Dawson, Davies, Deberry, Dennis, Dunn, Elmore, Everett, Ewing, R. Fletcher, Fillmore, J. Garland, R. Garland, Goode, J. Graham, Wm. Graham, Graves, Grinnell, Griffin, Halsted, Harlan, Harper, Hastings, Hawcs, Henry, Herod, Hoffman, Hopkins, R. M. T. Hunter, Jenifer, H. Johnson, W. C. Johnson, Legare, Lewis, Lincoln, A. W. Loomis, Mallory, Marvin, S. Mason, Maury, McKennan, Menefee, Mercer, Milligan, C. Morris, Naylor, Noyes, Ogle, Patterson, Patton, Pearce, Peck, Phillips, Pope, Potts, Rariden, Reed, Rencher, Rhett, Richardson, Ridgway, Robertson, Rumsey, Russell, Sawyer, Sergeant, A. H. Shepperd, Shiclls, Sibley, Slade, Southgate, Stanly, Stone, Stratton, Taliaferro, Thompson, Underwood, Webster, A. S. White, J. White, E. Whittlesey, L. Williams, S. Williams, J. L. Williams, C. H. Williams, Wise, Yorke—l 10. NAYs—Messrs. Anderson, Andrews, Atherton, Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Birdsall, Boon, Borden, Brodhead, Bronson, Bruyn, Buchanan, Bynum, Cambreleng, T. J. Carter, Casey, Chaney, Chapman, Cilley, Claiborne, Clark, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Craig, Crary, Cushman, Davee, DeGraff, Dromgoole, Duncan, Edwards, Farrington, Fairfield, Foster, Fry, Gallup, Gholson, Glascock, Grantland, Gray, Haley, Hammond, Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Holt, Howard, Hubley, W. H. Hunter, Ingham, T. B. Jackson, J. Jackson, J. Johnson, N. Jones, J. W. Jones, Kemble, Kilgore, Klingensmith, Leadbetter, Logan, A. Loomis, Lyon, J. M. Mason, Martin, McKay, R. McClellan, Abra. McClellan, McClure, McKim, Miller, Montgomery, Morgan, S. W. Morris, Muhlenberg, Murray, Noble, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Parmenter, Paynter, Pennybacker, Petrikin, Phelps, Plumer, Potter, Pratt, Prentiss, Reily, Rives, Sheffer, Sheplor, Smith, Snyder, Spencer, Stewart, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Vail, Vanderveer, . Wagener, Weeks, T. T. Whittlesey, J. W. Williams, Worthington, Yell,—l 13. So the House refused, by a majority of three votes, to reconsider its decision. Mr. WISE then renewed his amondment, as modified, to cxcept the superintendent of the mint, Mr. W. called for the yeas and nays on this amendment; which were ordered. Mr. THOMAS said the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. W1sk] has appealed to all members who arc not now for commencing a Treasury bank to vote for his amendment. Now, sir, I am of that class; I am for the Treasury note bill as a means to replenish the Treasury and provide for

the execution of the money contracts of the Government.

I shall vote in good faith for the bill, as a bill of supplies, and think that the Secretary would be guilty of a misdemeanor if he should execute the law as if it had been passed to furnish a paper circulation to the country. But I cannot vote for the amendment to guard against the construction which the gentleman fears will be given to this

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Oct. 7, 1837.]

measure. He proposes to forbid the Secretary, the Treasurer, and all disbursing officers, to issue or circulate one of the Treasury notes while the Treasurer or the disbursing officer has either gold or silver on hand. A very few words, I think, are needed to make it manifest that such a provision in the law would make it impracticable for the officers of Government to accomplish the purposes for which it is designed. Before the policy was adopted of leaving in the mint a large amount of money, to increase rapidly the gold coinage, it was considered prudent to keep in the Treasury at all times a surplus of at least two millions of dollars. Notwithstanding the earnest desire felt in Congress aster the war to pay speedily the public debt, the commissioners of the sinking fund, authorized to purchase the cvidences of the public debt, were required to leave at all times in the Treasury at least two millions of dollars. It was then supposed to be indispensable to have that amount of money always in the Treasury. In 1836, when the deposite law was passed, the authors of that measure directed the Secretary to retain five millions of dollars in the Treasury, supposing, obviously, that a less sum would not be sufficient to supply our numerous disbursing officers with small sums in anticipation of demands, and at the same time keep the mint in active operation. It is now proposed to abandon this uniform policy, and to prohibit the Treasurer from keeping on hand any surplus whatever, except the money needed by the mint. The Secretary, and all other officers, are to be forbidden to issue or circulate a Treasury note to raise supplies, until all the money in the Treasury has been expended. Let us see how such a rule, if prescribed for the government of those officers, would operate. All the money in the various depositories is in the hands, in contemplation of law, of the Treasurer. Portions of it are in this city to pay officers of Government and laborers on the public works at this point. Other portions are in New York to fit out the expedition for the South Seas. There are, at the same time, considerable sums of public money in depositories near to the northwestern and southwestern frontier, to pay Indian annuities, or the several corps of our army stationed on that border of the Union. At these and other points throughout the Union the Secretary of the Treasury must take care to keep a constant supply to meet the demands that are to be made on officers employed to disburse the public money. If this amendment could prevail, what would be the condition of this

high officer, charged to provide for the prompt fulfilment

of alumost innumerable contracts He might, on the fifteenth of this month, learn that five hundred thousand dollars would be required in New York on the first of November next to complete the equipment of the South Sea expedition. On the same day he might receive information that one hundred thousand more would be required on the fifteenth of November at St. Louis, to pay the army in that vicinity, or the annuity to Indians from whom we have purchased vast tracts of rich and fertile lands. Well, sir, he refers to the books of the Department, and finds that the Treasurer has on hand, that is to his credit, sifty thousand dollars in the Bank of the Metropolis, intended to pay the laborers employed on the public buildings. He finds, perhaps, that there are also to the credit of the Treasurer small sums, at various other points, intended there to meet the engagements of the United States: what would, in such a state of things, if the amendment could be adopted, be the duty of the Secretary and of the Treasurer? Those officers would not, of course, request the disbursing officers at New York or St. Louis to wait until all the noney standing to the credit of the Treasurer clsewhere had been expended. But it would be incumbent upon them to do an act not much more reasonable. They would have to draw from dispersed depositories moneys standing

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to the credit of the Treasurer, to be sent to New York and St. Louis, and then issue Treasury notes to borrow money to be distributed amongst the depositories which had been exhausted. They would possibly have to encounter the expense and inconvenience of transmitting gold and silver from Richmond, Pittsburg, Washington, Baltimore, or elsewhere, to New York, and then, having exchanged the Treasury notes in the last named city for gold and silver, it would be sent back to the points first mentioned, so as to be conveniently disbursed. These are some of the objections that have occurred to me on the instant to the motion of the gentleman from Virginia. They are to my mind conclusive against its adoption. The amendment appears to be founded upon the supposition that all the debts from and to the United States are to be paid at one point. Even if that was the case, the rule which it is intended to establish would be extremely inconvenient to the officers and to the creditors of the United States. But until the system which has been adopted for the convenience of all concerned, in the receipt and expenditure of the public revenue, shall be abandoned—and this I suppose no man proposes—it will be impossible to administer well the Treasury Department without a surplus of several millions of dollars. If large banking corporations have not always at command unemployed capital of two, three, and in some cases eight and ten millions of dollars, their directors are justly charged with a culpable carelessness about the credit of the institutions committed to their care. We are in part the managers of an immense body politic, having engagements to be executed in every quarter of the globe, and must not refuse to make ample provision to keep the public faith untarnished. The bill before the House has been conceived in a proper spirit. It places within the reach of the Executive all that may be needed, and nothing more. I do not apprehend that the power to be conferred on the President and the Secretary will be abused. Jarge sums of money will not be withdrawn from circulation to be locked up in the vaults of the public depositories. So believing, I shall vote against the amendment that distrusts, and for the bill which confides in, the capacity and patriotism of those to whose custody I have cheerfully assisted to commit the highest and most important powers of Government. Mr. WISE then modified his amendment by inserting at the end thereof the words “at the place where the demand is made.” ‘I he question was then taken, and the amendment rojected: Yeas 96, nays 118, as follows: YEAs—Messrs. Alexander, H. Allen, J. W. Allen, Aycrigg, Bell, Biddle, Bond, Briggs, W. B. Calhoun, J.

Calhoon, W. B. Campbell, W. B. Carter, Chambers,

Cheatham, Childs, Clowney, Corwin, Cranston, Crockett,
Curtis, Darlington, Dawson, Davies, Dennis, Dunn, El-
more, Everett, Ewing, R. Fletcher, Fillmore, J. Garland,
R. Garland, Goode, J. Graham, W. Graham, Graves,
Grinnell, Griffin, Halsted, Harlan, Harper, Hastings,
Hawes, Herod, Hoffman, Hopkins, Jenifer, H. Johnson,
W. C. Johnson, Lewis, Lincoln, A. W. Loomis, Lyon,
Mallory, Marvin, S. Mason, Maury, McKennan, Menefee,
Mercer, Milligan, C. Morris, Naylor, Ogle, Patterson,
Pearce, Peck, Phillips, Pope, Potts, Reed, Ridgway, Rob-
ertson, Rumsey, Russell, Sawyer, Sergeant, A. H. Shep-
perd, Sibley, Slade, Southgate, Stanly, Stone, Stratton,
Taliaferro, Thompson, Underwood, A. S. White, J. White,
E. Whittlesey, L. Williams, S. Williams, J. L. Willians,
C. H. Williams, Wise, and Yorke—96.
Nars—Mcssrs. Adams, Anderson, Andrews, Atherton,
Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Birdsall, Borden, Broadhead,
Bronson, Bruyn, Buchanan, Bynum, Cambreleng, T. J.
Carter, Casey, Chaney, Chapman, Cilley, Claiborne,
Clark, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Craig, Crary, Cushman,

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Davee, Deberry, DeGraff, Dromgoole, Duncan, Edwards, Farrington, Fairfield, Foster, Gallup, Gholson, Glascock, Grantland, Gray, . Haley, Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Holt, Howard, Hubley, W. H. Hunter, R. M. T. Hunter, Ingham, T. B. Jackson, J. Jackson, J. Johnson, N. Jones, J. W. Jones, Kemble, Kilgore, Klingensmith, Leadbetter, Logan, A. Loomis, J. M. Mason, Martin, McKay, R. McClellan, A. McClellan, McClure, McKim, Miller, Montgomery, Morgan, S. W. Morris, Muhlenberg, Murray, Noble, Noyes, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Parmenter, Patton, Paynter, Pennybacker, Petrikin, Phelps, Plumer, Potter, Pratt, Prentiss, Rariden, Reily, Rencher, Richardson, Rives, Sheffer, Shields, Sheplor, Smith, Snyder, Spencer, Stuart, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Wail, Vanderveer, Webster, Weeks, T. T. Whittlesey, J. W. Williams, Worthington, and Yell—l 18. Mr. WISE then said he should not now offer his other amendments. Mr. McKAY moved to add a new section to the bill, the object of which was to prevent receivers of public money from charging the Government more interest on these notes than was actually due at the time they came into their hands; which was agreed to. Mr. BRONSON moved an amendment that the time to which the issue of these notes should be extended should not be later than the 31st of December, 1838; which was agreed to. Mr. UNDERWOOD proposed to amend the bill so as to defer the issue of the Treasury notes, except for the amount of $3,500,000, until after the Government bonds, held by the Bank of the United States, shall have been sold: provided that, if those bonds are not sold at the expiration of three months, then the Treasury notes, to the amount of ten millions, are to be issued, as proposed by the bill. Mr. BYNUM suggested that this proposition was out of order, under the rules, being in substance the same as the one already rejected. Mr. UNDERWOOD showed that the present proposition differed from the other, inasmuch as it stands now by itself, while before it was blended with another, which might have affected the action of the House materially upon it. The SPEAKER decided that that was the proper view of the question, and that the amendment of Mr. UNDERwood was in order. Mr. LEWIS would inquire if Mr. UN penwood's proposition included the requirment of interest on the notes ? Mr. UNDERWOOD did not mean to interfere at all with that question in his amendment; seeing the sense of the House to have been very clearly expressed on that point already. Mr. LEWIS was opposed to the proposition. He wantcd the notes issued to be notes for circulation, without interest. This was the only way to make them instrumental in the relief of the country so much demanded. Mr. THOMPSON spoke in favor of the amendment. At this point of the debate, a successful motion was made (10 o'clock, P. M.) to adjourn. Yeas 117, nays 80. So the House adjourned.

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shall be entered on the journal of the House: the second, that after the motion to adjourn has been carried, no member shall leave his seat until the SPEAR ER has left his. Mr. DUNCAN, objecting to the latter rule, put the case that the Speaker might see fit to occupy his chair all night. Mr. BYNUM thought the rule would reduce the House very much to the appearance of a country school. The first rule was not objectionable, but he did object to the second. Mr. MERCER said that what the rule proposed was the custom in the Legislature of Virginia; that it prevented indecorum, &c. Mr. BYNUM" still objected. He thought the House had gone full far enough in banishing the sale of spirituous liquors from the Capitol, and making members sit uncovered. The time had gone by for such servile deference to the Speaker of the House as was proposed. Gentlemen were not responsible here, but at home, for their morals. The gentleman from Virginia had told him the committee intended to bring in a rule to prevent chewing tobacco, and spitting in the House. Mr. MERCER said he had told the gentleman he would like to see this done, not that the committee were about to do it. Mr. BYNUM said it was all the same. There was no knowing where this thing would stop. He moved a division of the question, so as to take it separately on each proposition reported by the committee. Mr. HAYNES disagreed with Mr. By NUM. He thought the question presented by the proposed amendment not of morals, but manners. The 1st rule was adopted; and the question being upon agreeing to the second— Mr. ADAMS did not see the use of the proposed rule, in relation to members keeping their seats after the adjournment had been declared. The disorderly time was before the declaration was made; when the motion was first started. And, besides, it would operate to keep members in their seats much of the time when they wished to be freely circulating through the hall. It would tend to abridge the privileges of influential gentlemen in directing votes, &c. The question was then taken on agreeing to the second rule reported, and decided in the negative.

UNITED STATES, MEXICO, AND TEXAS.

Mr. ELMORE offered the following resolution : Resolved, That, in addition to the 10,000 copies of the correspondence for the annexation of Texas to to the United States, ordered to be printed, there be 10,000 more copies printed, to which shall be annexed, from the correspondence “concerning the boundary between the United States and the Mexican Republic, and a cession of territory belonging to the Mexican Confederation to the United States,” communicated in the message of the President of the United States, of the 2d October instant, the following documents: Mr. Clay to Mr. Poinsett, 26th March, 1825; extract from instructions; Mr. Torrens to Mr. Adams, 15th February, 1824; Mr. Clay to Mr. Poinsett, 24th September, 1825, extracts; the same to the same, 15th March, 1827, extract; Mr. Van Buren to the same, 25th August, 1829; Mr. Livingston to Mr. Butler, 20th March, 1833, extract; Mr. McLane to the same, 13th January, 1834 ; Mr. Forsyth to the same, 2d July, 1835, extract; and same, 6th August, 1835, extract. Mr. ADAMS said he should move an amendment of this resolution. Instead of extracts, he moved to print the whole of the correspondence and documents alluded to. He was opposed to sending garbled statements of matters so interesting before the people. Mr. ELMORE said that, having offered the resolution, which he had supposed would have elicited no debate nor opposition, he felt bound to say a word in explanation.

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