to the Courts under the general provisions of law which protect all citizens. The opinion of the Supreme Court says: "Inn-keepers and public carriers, by the law of all the States, so far as we are aware, are bound to the extent of their facilities, to furnish proper accommodations to all unobjectionable persons who in good faith apply for them." This being so, let colored men make use of their rights thus affirmed, and carry cases of complaint to the courts of every State, till their equality with others before the law shall be everywhere judicially recognized and established. It may be urged, that though the general provisions of State law may be sufficient, and though the State judges may so declare, yet the juries will fail to convict the individual offenders. That may often be; but the misfortune is not at all peculiar to this class of cases. It is very difficult in many communities, North, South, East, and West, to secure juries that will convict offenders in liquor cases, to say nothing of gambling cases, and murder cases, and "Star Route" cases, defended by shrewd and eloquent lawyers, who can make criminals appear innocent, and a pure court appear corrupt! But after all, the prospect of success was no better in the same States under the Civil Rights Act; for juries to convict were equally necessary under it, and therefore it was largely a dead letter in certain sections. The matter can be no worse now, and a persistent appeal to the courts, with a healthful general agitation, will secure convictions. There is some ground for thinking that this decision of the Supreme Court, by removing that compulsory action of the Federal Government which so sorely offended State pride and a sense of State rights will facilitate a healthful State action, legislative and judicial. Men will often do voluntarily what they refuse to do under unjust compulsion. Thus the Atlanta, Ga., Constitution, after this decision had been rendered, said:

It now behooves the South to show that she is capable of doing the Negro justice without fear of impending statutes. The grand opportunity is now afforded the South to show, that she is as magnanimous as she has proved herself to be courageous. She will demonstrate, that while she could never have been driven by duress into doing what was clearly wrong, the removal of restraint will not tempt her into doing anything which is less than right.

And Governor Brown, of that State, has expressed himself to the same effect; though he favors separate yet equally good accommodations in rail cars- -a plan which will not be found to work. The colored people must appeal, by oral discussion, by the press, and at the polls, to this better feeling in both parties, especially as both have put themselves on record in political conventions as favoring the equal civil rights of all races and colors. And if outrages by individuals and corporations shall still occur, and be found without redress, so that special statute legislation shall be needed in the States, then the colored people and their white friends must demand it, and must steadily enforce the demand at the polls. A million colored votes, distributed through the States, in many of which parties are nearly balanced, and in all of which they are loosely compacted and are threatened with disintegration, will not long be unheeded. For the words of the poet to oppressors

were never more true:

There is a weapon firmer set,

And stronger than the bayonet ;

A weapon which comes down as still As snowflakes fall upon the sod, But executes a freeman's will, As lightning does the will of God; And from its force, nor bars nor locks Will shield you: 'tis the ballot-box!

3. It may not be amiss to take the hint given by the Supreme Court, and call upon Congress to pass a new Civil Rights Act, to apply in cases of unjust State action of any kind; and also under its undoubted power to regulate commerce between the States, to pass an Act securing equal accommodations on all public conveyances which run between two or more States, and if may be in all hotels for travelers having occasion to pass from State to State. This will afford a further test of the degree of legal protection which can be obtained for the colored race in this land of boasted freedom. It will also show, in the congressional debates and votes, what parties. and what individuals are the sincere friends of the Negro, and believe in equal rights. Some men, no doubt, are tired, at the North and at the South, of the negro-question in religion and politics. They have said so, to our certain knowledge, for at least thirty years; and that has given them time to become very tired. But they cannot be accommodated by its withdrawal, till full justice is done. Payment by installments is

always a slow process. No question is settled, till it is settled right. Past experience might have taught the American people that lesson. The late war wrote it out in letters of fire! Providence ever finds some way to revive agitation, till the truth is vindicated.

Meanwhile, let our colored friends hope on, pray on, and labor on; not relying too much on political action, as a cure-all of evil, but seeking to rectify public sentiments, and remembering that their own progress in education, wealth, morals, and religion will have the most important part to play in overcoming the cruel prejudice of which they complain. It came in with the degradation of slavery, and it will eventually go out with the elevation of liberty. The higher they shall rise intellectually and morally, the more complete their divorce from whiskey and tobacco, from dirt and ignorance, the more absurd, undemocratic, and unchristian will caste appear, and the more numerously will white friends rally to their aid. Let us begin with the Christian church, appealing to conscience, and solemnly demanding, in the name of the Lord Jesus, as James did in the early days, in behalf of the poor, that no distinction of race and color shall be recognized in the sanctuary, where the words of Solomon surely should apply: "The rich and the poor meet together, the Lord is the Maker of them all;" and where should be a living exemplification of the doctrine of Paul, who said: "Where there is neither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free; but Christ is all and in all." And then let us transfer the same argument to the civil State, and hold up to scorn and shame the idea, that any citizen, of whatever race and however personally obscure, should be denied protection from insult and outrage in any part of the country; whether the fault be in the absence of needed law or in a failure to enforce it. The cause is that of universal and impartial liberty, of pure, unadulterated Christianity, and in the end it must triumph. Let no man lose faith in God, truth, and righteousness, in republican government, and the church of Christ, because of temporary evils. There may be an occasional backward eddy along the banks, but the main stream rolls steadily onward to the ocean. Men will finally see the

absurdity and wickedness of caste, and withdraw from it all real or seeming support of Church and State. Till that day come, we must wage an unceasing warfare against it, avoiding wrath and hatred, uncharitableness and senseless clamor, and keeping in sympathy with God. As said Whittier, years since: So let it be! In God's own might

We gird us for the coming fight;

And strong in Him whose cause is ours

In conflict with unholy powers,

We grasp the weapons He has given-
The Light, the Truth, the Love of Heaven.

ARTICLE II.-THE RELIGIOUS FACTOR IN

EDUCATION.

THERE is an old irrational feud between the human heart and intellect. One form of it appears in the jealousies and antagonisms of religion and learning. Such conflict ought to be impossible where there is a worthy estimate of man. What man is determines the problem of his training. The capacity of his being is the measure of his becoming. A worthy idea of his person, place, use, and destination pledges a broad conception of his education. Education is nothing less than the development and training of all the potencies that have been lodged in man. It concerns itself with the full contents of his being and with all his possibilities. The claims of education are precisely the claims of manhood. If the ideal of manhood be low the product of training will be meagre and inadequate. The claims of religion upon education are precisely the claims of a complete manhood. If a man is worth educating at all he is worth educating roundly as a man. If the capacity of religion belongs to his manhood it is a crime against that manhood to ignore its rights or cripple its possibilities. It must be acknowledged that religion, in some form, has always been an immense power in the history of the human race. It has always been in fact the dominant power. Nor is it likely that it will cease to be in any most advanced period of the future. So long as man is forced by the necessities of his own being to recognize a power which is other and more than himself and other and more than the universe in which he lives, so long religion will hold its supremacy, and this supremacy will be hardly the less apparent in whatever effort to suppress, pervert or limit its claims. No healthy growth can ever ignore it or pervert it or crowd it into a place of subordination or insignifiThis meagre world-power can never successfully displace that which represents what lies beyond the world. It is too real and too essential. The religious seems to be the primitive consciousness of the race. The limit of primitive history

cance.